There was a time when the heart of Jammu echoed not with the voices of vegetable vendors or the bustle of shoppers, but with the thunderous footsteps of royal elephants.
Today, thousands pass through the bustling Sabzi Mandi near Parade Chowk without realizing that the same ground once housed the magnificent Hathithan—the Royal Elephant Stable of the Dogra Maharajas. What survives today is merely a marketplace; what has disappeared is an extraordinary chapter of Jammu’s forgotten heritage.
Urdu Book That Preserved a Vanishing Legacy
In January 1971, The Excelsiorreported the publication of an unusual Urdu book titled `History of Elephants in Jammu & Kashmir‘, written by Abdul Latif, whose family had served the Dogra rulers for generations. Kashmir Rechords is reproducing the preserved relevant newsclippings for the benefit of esteemed readers.
According to the contents of the newsitem, Latif was not merely narrating history. He was preserving memories inherited from his father and grandfather—both senior Mahouts (elephant keepers) attached to the royal establishment. His work therefore carries the rare authenticity of an eyewitness tradition handed down within the royal stables themselves.
From Hathithan to Sabzi Mandi: The forgotten story of Jammu’s Royal Elephant Stable preserved in Abdul Latif’s rare Urdu book published in 1971.
When Maharaja Gulab Singh Brought Three Royal Elephants
The story begins in 1846, when Maharaja Gulab Singh established the princely State of Jammu and Kashmir.
According to Abdul Latif, the Maharaja brought three elephants into Jammu shortly after founding the State. These majestic animals were housed at Hathithan, strategically located barely a kilometre from the royal Mubarak Mandi Palace.
As successive rulers expanded the royal establishment, the elephant population steadily increased.
By the time Maharaja Ranbir Singh ascended the throne, the number had risen to nearly twenty elephants, reflecting both the prestige and ceremonial grandeur of the Dogra court.
Hathithan: The Stable That Became a Marketplace
Few places in Jammu have undergone such a remarkable transformation. Hathithan was once a sprawling elephant camp where the royal animals lived, trained and prepared for ceremonial occasions. Massive banyan trees provided shade, while experienced Mahouts looked after the prized animals. Today the same site is one of Jammu’s busiest vegetable markets.
According to noted journalist Shiv Chander Sharma, remnants of the original Hathi Khana—including side gates of the old enclosure—still survive, though they are largely overlooked by people who visit the area only to buy vegetables.
Drawing upon Abdul Latif’s rare Urdu work published in 1971, this article revives a forgotten chapter of Jammu’s royal heritage.
Rama: The Elephant That Solved His Own Murder Mystery
Among the most fascinating stories narrated by Abdul Latif is that of an elephant named Rama. In 1870, Rama suddenly killed his Mahout.The incident naturally enraged Maharaja Ranbir Singh, who personally visited the elephant to understand the cause behind the unexpected violence.
What followed sounds almost unbelievable! Instead of attacking the ruler, Rama quietly used his trunk to gather dust from the ground and divide it into two separate heaps.
The Maharaja interpreted this unusual gesture after listening to the Mahouts’ explanation.
The elephant, they believed, was indicating that his keeper had been stealing a portion of the animal’s daily ration.
Rather than acting out of blind rage, Rama’s violence was seen as the tragic consequence of prolonged neglect and mistreatment.
Whether literally true or embellished through oral tradition, the story reflects the remarkable intelligence long attributed to elephants and the close emotional bond between these animals and their keepers.
Jamuna Dass: The Gentle Giant of the Dogra Court
If Rama became famous for his fury, Jamuna Dass became legendary for his dignity. During the reign of Maharaja Pratap Singh (1885–1925), Jamuna Dass was regarded as the senior-most royal elephant.
Abdul Latif in his book describes him as majestic, calm and exceptionally graceful. His imposing appearance itself enhanced the splendour of royal ceremonies. Later another elephant, Ganga Dass, joined the royal stable, but Jamuna Dass remained the pride of the establishment.
The Elephant Chosen by a Maharaja
Perhaps no elephant in Jammu’s history enjoyed greater honour than Jamuna Dass. Whenever Maharaja Hari Singh celebrated his marriages, it was Jamuna Dass who was selected to carry the ruler in royal processions.
The elephant thus became an inseparable part of some of the most important ceremonial occasions of the Dogra dynasty.
The Last Royal Procession
History often ends quietly. The last great appearance of Jammu’s royal elephants came in March 1926, when Maharaja Hari Singh formally ascended the throne.
For the occasion, Jamuna Dass was transformed into a living symbol of royalty. His body was adorned with colourful powders, gold ornaments, and an elaborate howdah mounted on his back.
It was a spectacle that represented not merely the accession of a ruler, but the culmination of an entire royal tradition that had flourished for nearly eighty years. Soon afterwards, changing times gradually ended the ceremonial importance of elephants in the princely State.
More Female Elephants Than Males
An interesting detail recorded by Abdul Latif in his book reveals that the royal stables generally maintained only two male elephants, whereas the number of female elephants was rarely below fifteen.
This suggests that the elephant establishment was carefully managed, possibly with breeding, temperament and ceremonial requirements in mind—details that deserve deeper historical investigation.
A Heritage Buried Beneath Everyday Life
Today, the average visitor to Parade Chowk, Jammu is unlikely to imagine that beneath the crowded vegetable market once stood one of the most important royal elephant establishments in northern India.
The banyan tree, the forgotten gates, the memories preserved by Mahouts, and Abdul Latif’s remarkable Urdu book and the newspaper cuttings of January 1971 together remind us that history often survives not in monuments, but in overlooked corners of our cities.
Jammu’s Hathithan is one such place—a forgotten royal stable hidden in plain sight.
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Based on rare newspaper archives, Parliamentary records and contemporaneous reports.
History has an extraordinary way of resurfacing.Sometimes it emerges from forgotten government files. Sometimes from fading photographs. And sometimes, from yellowing newspaper pages that continue to ask uncomfortable questions long after the headlines have disappeared.
One such forgotten chapter lies buried in the archives of 1984, when Jammu & Kashmir witnessed one of the most sensational political controversies of its time—a controversy centred on the alleged links between the then Chief Minister Dr. Farooq Abdullah and leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front (KLF), the organisation that later came to be widely known as the Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and was eventually banned in India under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.
What transformed those allegations into a national political storm was not an intelligence report, nor a judicial inquiry.It was the persistence of a newspaper.
For nearly five months, Kashmir Times, the then most read and trusted newspaper, pursued the story with uncommon determination. Beginning with a categorical denial by Dr. Farooq Abdullah that he had ever met Amanullah Khan, one of the principal leaders of the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’, the newspaper responded with a succession of reports, rare photographs, published captions, and documentary references that it said contradicted the Chief Minister’s public stand.
Every denial was followed by another publication. Every explanation invited another question. Every photograph intensified the controversy.
Within weeks, what had begun as a newspaper investigation had travelled beyond the editorial pages of Jammu to the floor of the Indian Parliament, where members sought answers from the Union Government regarding the reports then circulating in the public domain.
More than four decades later, many of those very newspaper pages and photographs continue to survive in archives, private collections and research repositories.
For the first time, Kashmir Rechords reconstructs this extraordinary episode through the original reports that shaped one of the defining political controversies of 1984.
The Denial
The controversy began with an unequivocal public denial.
According to contemporaneous newspaper reports, Chief Minister Dr. Farooq Abdullah denied having ever met Amanullah Khan, described in the reports as the leader of the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’.
Ordinarily, such a denial might have ended the matter.Instead, it became the beginning of one of the most remarkable investigative campaigns undertaken by a regional newspaper.
Rather than accepting the denial at face value, Kashmir Times turned to documentary material which it said had already appeared in newspapers published from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
Kashmir Times, March 28, 1984.
The Photograph That Changed the Story
The newspaper’s first major report reproduced a photograph which, according to Kashmir Times, had originally appeared in the April 1982 issue of the Urdu newspaper Qaid, reportedly published from Muzaffarabad, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.The accompanying report stated that the Urdu caption identified the image as “a memorable photograph” of Amanullah Khan, described as Editor of Voice of Kashmir.
A response from Kashmir Times to the denial of Farooq Abdullah
More significantly, the report asserted that the photograph showed Dr. Farooq Abdullah wearing a garland carrying the badge of the Kashmir Liberation Front.The newspaper argued that the photograph directly challenged the Chief Minister’s denial that he had ever met Amanullah Khan. For Kashmir Times, the story had only begun.
One Photograph Became Many
Far from retreating after publishing the first image, Kashmir Times continued its investigation. In subsequent editions, the newspaper reproduced additional photographs which it claimed had also appeared in publications from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
One report claimed that the photographs established what it described as Dr. Farooq Abdullah’s links with the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’. The accompanying caption made even more serious assertions.
According to the report, one of the photographs showed Dr. Abdullah taking an oath of allegiance to the “struggle for independence of Kashmir” before leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front during a visit to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
The report identified those present as including Amanullah Khan and G.M. Mir, identified as Editor of Qaid, which the report described as a supporter of the ‘Liberation Front’.
These were extraordinary claims, prominently published by the newspaper and presented as evidence that, according to Kashmir Times, contradicted the Chief Minister’s public denials.
The Controversy Deepens
As the reports multiplied, so did the political controversy.
Kashmir Times published another strongly worded report under the headline “A Lie Has No Legs,” arguing that the Chief Minister’s explanations regarding the photographs and his visit had changed over time.
Kashmir Times, March 29, 1984.
The newspaper juxtaposed those explanations with the documentary material it had reproduced, contending that the contradictions themselves had become a matter of public concern.
The controversy was no longer confined to newspaper columns.It had become a national political issue.
From the Newsroom to Parliament
On 24 February 1984, the alleged Farooq Abdullah–KLF connection reached the Rajya Sabha.
Members questioned the Union Government regarding reports of Dr. Abdullah’s alleged contacts with leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front during his stay in the United Kingdom.
A PTI report, carried by newspapers, regarding Farooq Abdullah’s alleged links with `JKLF’… February 24, 1984.
What had begun as a newspaper investigation had now entered the official proceedings of India’s Parliament.The issue was no longer merely political speculation.It had become a matter of national debate.
The Centre Enters the Picture
The controversy intensified further in June 1984.Reports quoting Central Government sources claimed that New Delhi possessed “definite evidence” relating to alleged links between Dr. Farooq Abdullah and extremist or pro-Pakistan elements.
Whether those claims were ultimately substantiated remains part of the larger historical debate. What is beyond dispute is that they reflected the rapidly deteriorating relationship between the Centre and the National Conference government in the months preceding the dramatic political developments of July 1984.
A Newspaper That Refused to Retreat
As pressure mounted, Dr. Farooq Abdullah accused Kashmir Times of conducting a campaign against him.The newspaper stood by its reports.
Maintaining that it was reproducing documentary material already available in published sources, it continued to publish further reports, photographs and questions relating to the controversy.
The confrontation became more than a dispute over photographs. It evolved into a defining contest between political authority and investigative journalism.
A Forgotten Chapter Revisited
Forty years later, the controversy has largely disappeared from public memory. The newspaper pages have yellowed. Many of the photographs survive only in fragile archives. Yet they continue to exist. They remain part of the documentary record of one of the most fiercely contested political episodes in the history of Jammu & Kashmir.
Whether one agrees with the conclusions drawn at the time or not, the reports, photographs, Parliamentary proceedings and official responses together form an important archival trail that deserves careful historical examination.
That is precisely what this Kashmir Rechords investigation sets out to do.
The Investigation Continues…
This is only the opening chapter of a comprehensive archival investigation.The complete dossier includes:
The original Kashmir Timesreports published between February and June 1984.
Rare photographs reproduced during the controversy.
The complete chronology of the alleged Farooq Abdullah–KLF/JKLF controversy.
The original Qaid references and published captions.
The Rajya Sabha proceedings and Parliamentary questions.
The Centre’s “definite evidence” claim in context.
The political fallout that culminated in the events of July 1984.
High-resolution reproductions of rare newspaper pages with detailed historical analysis.
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EDITORIAL DISCLAIMER
This investigation is an archival reconstruction based on contemporaneous newspaper reports, published photographs, Parliamentary proceedings and other historical records available in the public domain.
Kashmir Rechords reproduces and analyses these materials solely for historical, journalistic, educational and research purposes.
The reports, captions, photographs, statements and allegations discussed herein are presented as they were reported or published at the relevant time in 1984 and should be understood in their historical context. Their inclusion in this investigation should not be construed as an endorsement, verification or independent confirmation of every allegation or claim contained in those contemporaneous sources.This report seeks to document and preserve an important chapter of Jammu & Kashmir’s political history rather than to pronounce upon legal liability or historical guilt.
All original research, compilation, chronology, annotations, editorial analysis, layouts and presentation are the intellectual property of Kashmir Rechords Foundation. Original newspaper pages remain subject to the rights, if any, of their respective publishers and are reproduced, as preserved, only for purposes of historical documentation, research, commentary and public interest in accordance with applicable law.
Unauthorized commercial reproduction of Kashmir Rechords’ original research, annotations, compilations and editorial work is prohibited without prior written permission.
In a stirring reaffirmation of identity, memory and belonging, Kashmiri Pandits across India and the global diaspora have renewed a collective pledge—to return to their roots and celebrate Navreh, the Kashmiri New Year, in Kashmir itself from the coming year onward.
This is not merely a declaration. It is a civilisational assertion shaped by decades of displacement, a promise carried silently across years of exile, now finding voice with renewed conviction.
Addressing the media in Jammu on March 18, Convenor Padma Shri Dr. Kashi Nath Pandita described the Navreh Mahotsav as a “poignant homecoming movement”—one that transcends geography. He emphasized that the celebrations will unfold not only in Jammu but across cities in India and beyond, reflecting the shared heartbeat of a scattered yet spiritually anchored community.
“Navreh is not just the beginning of a calendar year,” Dr. Pandita noted, “it is an awakening—astronomical, cultural and deeply personal.” The festival begins with the sacred ritual of Navreh Thali darshan, symbolising prosperity, knowledge and continuity—values that have endured even in exile.
Kashmiri Pandit leaders during Navreh Mahotsav -2026 press conference at Jammu on March 18, 2026
Yet, this year’s Navreh carries a deeper undertone.
It is a pledge.A pledge that next Navreh will not be marked in displacement, but celebrated on the soil that gave birth to it—Kashmir.
The second day, March 20, will be observed as Shaurya Divas (Vijay Divas), commemorating the unmatched valour and visionary legacy of Samrat Lalitaditya, the 8th-century emperor whose reign symbolised strength, protection and civilisational pride. The day will culminate in a grand closing ceremony at Abhinav Theatre, Jammu, featuring cultural performances, intellectual discourses and tributes to the icons who define Kashmir’s timeless spirit.
Co-Convenor, Padma Shri Brij Lal Bhat underscored the urgency of reclaiming historical consciousness. He called for the inclusion of Acharya Shreya Bhat’s scholarship and Lalitaditya’s legacy in the academic curriculum of JKBOSE, asserting:
“This is our clarion call—to inscribe these icons into the consciousness of future generations.”
Echoing this sentiment, Co-Convenor Piyaray Lal Bhat urged the community to bridge its glorious past with a determined future, inviting every Kashmiri Pandit to reconnect with their sacred homeland—not as a memory, but as a lived reality.
Earlier, at the press conference, Dr. M. K. Bhat, Chairman of Sanjeevani Sharda Kendra (SSK) and Chief Spokesperson of the Navreh Mahotsav Aayojan Samiti–2026, outlined the vision behind the two-day programme. He highlighted that the Samiti—formed in collaboration with multiple socio-cultural organisations—has, since 2021, transformed Navreh Mahotsav into a growing collective movement.
“What began as a cultural observance,” Dr. Bhat noted, “has evolved into a shared resolve—urging Kashmiri Pandits everywhere to celebrate these defining days collectively, wherever they are, while keeping their gaze firmly fixed on Kashmir.”
Now in its sixth edition, Navreh Mahotsav stands not just as a festival—but as a bridge between memory and return, between exile and belonging.
And this year, above all, it stands as a solemn, unambiguous pledge:
That the next Navreh will not be celebrated away from home—but in Kashmir itself.
In a historic and emotional move, Jammu and Kashmir Government has begun issuing Domicile Certificates to the survivors of the 1947 Muzaffarabad and Mirpur massacres. This bold initiative transcends legal formality—it symbolizes justice, reclamation, and a vital step towards integrating all parts of Jammu and Kashmir under India’s control. The issuance of these certificates not only acknowledges the suffering of the survivors but also underscores the government’s determination to reunify the region, long divided by conflict and external occupation.
Bold & Clear: R/o Kotli, Muzaffarabad, Jammu and Kashmir
A Century-Long Journey of Identity and Survival
For the people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, the journey from the status of State Subject to Permanent Resident and now to Domicile, has been an odyssey spanning nearly a century. It captures the resilience of these communities, transitioning from the British Raj to post-Independence India, and now to Bharat. This latest development is particularly meaningful for the descendants of massacre survivors, whose ancestral homes lie in what is now Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). For them, the Domicile Certificate is more than a legal document—it is a powerful recognition of their rightful place in modern India.
Recognition of Historical Roots and Suffering
In 2020, the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir issued administrative orders replacing the old State Subject with the new Domicile Certificates, signifying a major shift in the legal recognition of its residents. While the new rules extend eligibility to various categories of individuals—such as those who have served or studied in Jammu and Kashmir—the most profound aspect of this move is its recognition of the survivors of the Mirpur and Muzaffarabadmassacres.
J&K Domicile Certificates to Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors and their decedents
For the first time, these survivors and their descendants, who lost their ancestral homes during the 1947 invasion, are now officially recognized as domiciles of Jammu and Kashmir. To ensure that more bonafide migrants can reclaim their status, the government in October 2024 had extended the deadline for obtaining Domicile Certificates to May 15, 2025.
Symbolism of the New Certificates
The Domicile Certificates issued to massacre survivors prominently feature the names of their ancestral villages in Muzaffarabad and Mirpur. This is more than symbolic; it reflects the government’s commitment to reclaiming PoK and reintegrating it with India. These certificates, issued under the authority of the J&K Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner (Migrant), send a clear message: these lands are still an integral part of India.
We, the descendants of Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors
Political Shift After the Abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A
The political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir changed dramatically after the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A in August 2019, enabling the central government to fully integrate the region with the rest of India. This has paved the way for decisive actions like the issuance of Domicile Certificates to the survivors of the 1947 Muzaffarabad massacres. The move also aligns with India’s broader strategy to reclaim territories illegally occupied by Pakistan, as enshrined in the Parliament’s 1994 resolution.
Following this, the Survey General of India released a new political map in 2019, including Muzaffarabad and Mirpur as districts of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, further asserting that these regions remain part of India.
Reclaiming Lost Territory, Sending a Bold Message
The fall of Muzaffarabad to Pashtun tribes backed by Pakistan on October 22, 1947, marked the beginning of a dark period in Jammu and Kashmir’s history. Thousands were massacred, and survivors were forced to flee, leaving behind homes that they never saw again. Now, with the issuance of Domicile Certificates to their descendants, the Indian government is righting the wrongs of the past. The recognition of these survivors is not only a legal gesture but a bold statement of India’s intent to reunify Jammu and Kashmir.
This move strengthens India’s legal and moral claim to the region while eroding Pakistan’s narrative. By officially recognizing the residents of Muzaffarabad, the government is demonstrating an unwavering commitment to reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).
A Symbol of Justice for Survivors
For the survivors of the massacres and their descendants, these certificates are more than just legal documentation. They are a symbol of justice and recognition, acknowledging their lost homes and heritage. Decades after the tragic events of 1947, the Indian government is addressing their plight, ensuring their ancestral roots are acknowledged and their rights restored.
The 1994 resolution passed by the Indian Parliament clearly calls for Pakistan to vacate the occupied territories. By issuing Domicile Certificates and redrawing the political map without LoC and to include Muzaffarabad and Mirpur in the UT of J&K, the government is making a strong push to achieve this goal.
A Strategic Masterstroke in Geopolitics
In the broader context of international geopolitics, this move sends a powerful message to Pakistan and the global community. It reaffirms India’s stance on PoK and highlights its commitment to reclaiming and integrating all parts of Jammu and Kashmir. By acknowledging the ancestral roots of the massacre survivors, the government is addressing a long-standing historical injustice while making a strategic move to unsettle Pakistan. This calculated masterstroke bolsters pro-India sentiments within PoK and reinforces India’s rightful claim to the region.
* Dr.Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher, formerly associated with Daily Excelsior, Jammu and The Tribune, Chandigarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War.
When the tribal raiders from Pakistan entered Kashmir in October 1947, the Valley was plunged into chaos. But nowhere was the suffering more concentrated, more haunting, than in Baramulla. For thirteen harrowing days, this serene town at the gateway to the Valley lived through what survivors would later call “thirteen years of hell.”
The invaders—armed tribesmen backed by Pakistan—descended upon Baramulla with a fury that spared no one. The town was looted, torched, and left soaked in blood. Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, or Christian—it made little difference to the marauders. Eminent lawyer and author K.L. Gauba, in his book Inside Pakistan (1948), recorded that “the raiders made little distinction between their victims.”
A Town Drenched in Blood
Gauba estimated that over a thousand people were killed in Baramulla alone. Among the slain were Lt. Col. and Mrs. Dykes, four Sisters of Mercy, and a Mother Superior from the Convent of St. Joseph’s. The Dykes’ infant child, Gauba writes with chilling simplicity, “was thrown down a well.”
Even the sacred walls of the mission hospital and convent offered no sanctuary. Captured tribesmen later confessed that the Europeans were killed on the very day the raiders stormed the town. The hospital and post office were destroyed, hostages taken, and every semblance of order obliterated.
The Loot That Never Ended
The assault on Baramulla was led by Major Khurshid Anwar, with Major Mohammed Aslam among his subordinates. Their force, numbering between 3,000 and 5,000, operated in waves—some coming, others leaving—each group looting anew. “The same sections of the town were plundered repeatedly,” Gauba noted.
When the raiders finally fled, nearly a hundred lorries—many bearing license plates from Pakistan’s Frontier Province and Punjab—stood lined up, laden with stolen goods. “There was not a grain of rice or a yard of cloth left,” Gauba lamented.
A Valley Torn by Fire and Fear
The road from Baramulla to Uri was littered with the wreckage of trucks and carts abandoned by the fleeing invaders. Overhead, Associated Press photographer Max Despott saw the devastation firsthand: “More than twenty villages were in flames,” he reported on November 2, 1947. The marauders were moving toward Srinagar, burning and looting everything in their path.
On the propaganda front too, the raiders came prepared. Leaflets printed at Lahore’s Jilani Press were scattered across villages, seeking to sway the local populace with promises and threats. Radio Pakistan was further fueling the fire.
The Mission’s Long Captivity
British journalist Andrew Whitehead, in A Mission in Kashmir, recounts how about eighty survivors—missionaries, locals, and refugees—were held captive for ten days in the hospital’s baby ward. Among them was Father George Shanks, who emerged as the leader of the trapped group, and Sydney Smith of the Daily Express, who had been captured while reporting on the conflict.
Their ordeal ended only when Indian troops liberated Baramulla on November 8, 1947. The invaders fled, leaving behind a shattered town and the echoes of their brutality.
The World Watches in Horror
The global press was quick to document the barbarity. The New York Times correspondent Robert Trumbull wrote on November 10, 1947, that “Baramulla had been stripped of its wealth and its young women.” He reported that 3,000 townspeople—including the Dykes and four European missionaries—had been slaughtered, and that 350 Hindus were locked in a building meant to be set ablaze.
The Times of London on November 11, 1947 noted that the survivors “seemed delighted to welcome the Indian troops.” The horror, however, would remain etched in memory forever.
The Orgy of Violence
As Raghvendra Singh, former Secretary in India’s Ministry of Culture, later wrote, “The raiders turned on everybody that came their way. They started wholesale loot, arson, and orgy. They burnt property of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike. They killed children, old men, and women—and committed rape on every young woman, Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh.”
Baramulla’s suffering became the defining image of Pakistan’s first invasion of Kashmir. The massacre at St. Joseph’s Convent, the killing of missionaries, and the desecration of a place of healing shocked the world’s conscience.
The Forgotten Horror
Today, few remember that Baramulla was the first town in independent India to face a full-scale foreign invasion. It was also the place where humanity itself was tested—and, for thirteen dark days, found wanting.
The raiders failed to capture Srinagar, but they succeeded in revealing the depths of their savagery. Baramulla paid the price—with its people, its peace, and its very soul.
Massacre at St Joseph’s Mission Hospital Baramulla, Kashmir ( Pics source: Internet)
It sounds incredible but it is a fact that Lanka exists in Kashmir! Situated on the Eastern side of the sprawling Wular Lake, the major portion of this Lanka ( island) is presently submerged in water.
A tip of this Lanka, which is presently seen above water, is now known by the name Zain-Lank, for the reason that Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin is believed to have constructed a mosque near the ruins of a Temple which earlier existed on the island ( then called Sona Lank) but was dismantled by Sikander, the iconoclast.
Temple Ruins at Zain Lank, Wular Lake, Kashmir
Unfortunately,hardly any voice has been raised over this very unknown Temple lying in ruins/submerged on this Island (Lanka), in Wular Lake which is connected through Bandipora and Sopore, the two major Towns of North Kashmir.
Zain Lanka on Temple Debris?
According to J&K’s renowned writer, Jyoteeshwar Pathak, the Zeen Lenkh (Zain Lanka) does not find any mention in the Kalhana’s Rajatarangini. In his write-up published in `Kashmir Today’ Magazine ( April-May, 1994) and while quoting Moti Lal Saqi’s Book “Aager Neb’’, mentions that there was no existence of the island before the 12th century AD, but the same was raised in Wular lake with debris of several dismantled temples which used to be in the vicinity of villages around Wular Lake.
Charles Ellison Bate’s Gazetteer of Kashmir provides similar description stating that during the rule of Zain-ul-Abidin (1420-70) the remains of the temples dismantled by Sikander, the iconoclast were thrown into the Lake where an island was developed and given the name Lanka. Historian Anand Koul Bamzai writes that the Island is no other than Sona-Lankh (the golden island), now called Zain Lank.
Jonaraja, the poet laureate in the court of Zain-ul-Abidin provides a significant evidence about this island. According to him, the surroundings around Wular Lake during 9th Century used to present a unique example of archaeology. The stone laden boats were sailed into Mahapadmasar, (the Wular) and the land thus developed was named as Lenkh (Lanka or Island). A royal palace was built in the lake under the supervision of Engineer Suyya, the 9th century engineer who is identified with Suyyapur (Present-day Sopore), Kashmir.
However, Jyoteeshwar Pathak says that an inscription in the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar provides an insight in the existence of this island. This inscription refers to the island as the Zain Lank ( Island).
A Page from Kashmir Today ( 1994)– A Publication of Directorate of Department of Information, J&K Government.
Mirza Haider Daghlak, a ruler of Kashmir in the early 15th century has been quoted saying, “Zeen Lankh” was an ideal spot for picnics and entertainments. The island was 100 feet long and 75 feet wide. The King had developed a beautiful garden over this island, which included the fruit laden trees and flowers of several kinds. There was a three storey building on the northern side and a beautiful mosque.
Travellers to Kashmir’s Lanka
François Bernier (1673) in his travelogue provides a detail of the ‘Zain Lankh’. According to him, there was a small hut in the middle of the lake with a small garden adjoining it.
This quadrangle island has perhaps vanished by the time William Moorcroft (1767 – 27 August 1825) visited the site. According to him, the circumference of the island was 300 yard. The structure expected in the island was definitely related to the Indian architectures. These structures are now in a dilapidated stage. He found neither any inscription nor any idol there. The temple pillars were, however, found in the scattered state. There was, however, a quadrangle building on the left side. There were some hutments over the island, which were inhabited by entirely poor people.
Baron Charles Hügel, who visited this site in 1835 AD, writes: “There is a small island near the banks called Lanka. Several experiments on astrology were performed there”. According to him, the mosque built by Hassan Khan and the palaces built by Zain-ul-Abidin are particularly attractive.
Sir Richard Temple visited the place in 1859. According to him, the Lanka is quite an attractive place. The whole of area is full of mud and marsh and it has lost beauty due to submergence in water. The architecture of the temple resembles the ancient temple architecture. These are the remains of mosque built by Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin where the king used to worship in the month of Ramadan.
Present Day Lanka
The island is definitely in a dilapidated condition and requires an urgent attention. There are reports of having thrown the ruins of temple into water in order to pave the way for the construction of a new mosque there. However, some old temple structures and boulders still exist. The Island is an ideal place for the Department of State Archaeology and Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) to help them in waking up from the deep slumber. J&K Government can develop it as a Tourist Spot, while Historians can further dig the debris on which the island lies.
For locals, especially for fishermen, the Island was and is still a safe and protected place whenever anything untoward or unfortunate happens in the Lake area. They protect themselves during storms and high speed winds. They believe that even if the water level rises in the Wular, the island remains afloat.
Kashmiri Pandits have suffered a lot at the hands of tyrants! Even Nature has been cruel towards them!. This is evident from that fact that over 9,000 Kashmiri Pandits, including children and women, had perished on their way to Harmukh Ganga pilgrimage, over 500 years ago in 1516 AD! Harmukh, originally “Haramukuta” is a mountain with a peak elevation of 5,142 metres (16,870 ft), in the present Ganderbal district of Jammu and Kashmir.
There is a mention of this tragic incident in many books and records, but unfortunately, most people are unaware of this catastrophe that had befallen on Kashmiri Pandits!
Pandit Anand Koul in his 100 year old book “The Kashmiri Pandit’’ (1924) makes a mention of this tragic incident. The incident had taken place during the reign of Sultan Fateh Shah (1489 A.D.), the 12th Sultan of Kashmir. For nine years, his Minister was Musa Raina, a bigoted Shia, who had tyrannised Hindus, imposing jaziya on them and destroying their temples.
A Double Whammy for Kashmiri Pandits
It is said of Musa Raina that he had forcibly converted 24,000 Brahmin families to his own religion. In 1516 AD, about 10,000 Kashmiri Pandits had decided to undertake a pilgrimage to Harmukh Ganga, in order to immerse the ashes of those 800 Hindus who had been massacred during Ashura. However, Nature too resorted to a double whammy when Pandits on a pilgrimage to the Harmukh Ganga, perished at Mahalesh Marg owing to having lost their way at night. According to Anand Koul, the place where they perished is called Hap Radan (dead defile).
Anand Koul quotes the following Persian couplet that gives the chronogram of this catastrophe:-
Az biyábán kashida sar tarikh Ghút guftá “Tabáhiye Panditán.”
—-Meaning “having lifted its head from the desert, the date was said by the will-o’-the-wisp— “the destruction of the Pandits’’.
Poet-historian Suka Pandit too says about this cataclysm. “Ganga was oppressed with hunger, as it was after a long time that she had devoured bones; she surely devoured the men also who carried the bones.” It was in fact after a gap of so many years that Pandits were allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Harmukh Lake, which, however, ended in the most devastating tragedy. Suka Pandit was a Kashmiri poet and historian who wrote Rajatarangini between 1517 and 1596. A student of Prajyabhatta, the work of Suka Pandit is considered a supplement to Kalhana’s Rajatarangini.
Dr Satish Ganjoo, a noted Historian and a Senior Faculty at Central University of Himachal Pradesh, in his research paper “ A Political Study of Ancient Vedic-Saraswat Kashmiri Pandit Society’’, published in June, 2017, also makes a mention of this natural catastrophe that had befallen Kashmiri Pandits over 500 years ago. However, while Pt Anand Koul mentions 1516 AD (923 Hijra) as the year of tragedy, Dr Ganjoo quoted the year of tragedy as 1519.
The Dreaded Tyrant Soma Chandra ( Musa Raina)
The tragedy at Harmukh Lake had occurred as the Kashmiri Pandits who were allowed to perform this pilgrimage after a long time, wanted to perform the religious rites of all those near and dear ones who had been killed during the era of Mir Shamas-ud-Din Iraqi, the founder of Nurbakhshiyyeh Order (Shia sect) who had visited Kashmir Valley twice in 1477 AD and 1496 AD for propagating his faith. He was helped in his “mission’’ by Soma Chandra, the most dreaded tyrant, who had rechristened himself as Malik Musa Raina after converting to Shia Islam.
Not only were the vulnerable Brahmans, even the Sunni Muslims also violently converted to Shia sect by murderous techniques. This dogmatic fanaticism had even crippled the Sunni ruler of Kashmir, Fateh Shah (AD 1510-1517). A khanqah was built at Zadibal, Srinagar by Iraqi, which became the nucleus of Shia concentration.
Burning Sacred Threads of Pandits
In his Book, “ This Beautiful India –Jammu and Kashmir” ( 1977), Dr Sukhdev Singh Chib mentions that Iraqi had even issued orders that everyday about 1500 to 2000 Brahmans be brought to his doorsteps, remove their sacred threads, administer Kalima to them, circumcise them and make them eat beef. These decrees were ferociously and brutally carried out. The Hindu religious scriptures from 7th century AD onwards and about 18 magnificent temples were destroyed, property confiscated and women abused. Thousands of Brahmans had killed themselves to evade this horrific barbarism and thousands migrated to other places, resulting in their third tragic mass exodus from the Valley. Those who stayed behind were not only forced to pay jaziya, but their noses and ears were chopped off.
According to Baharistan – i -Shahi, “Dulucha, a Tartar chief from Central Asia, who had invaded Kashmir with 60,000 strong horsemen, had also inflicted terrible miseries upon the people including the Brahmans.
According to W.R. Lawrence, Brahmans of Kashmir were during those days given three choices—death, conversion or exile. “Many fled, many were converted and many were killed, and it is said that this thorough monarch (Sikandar) burnt seven maunds of sacred threads of the murdered Brahmans”. As for the statement of Lawrence, six maunds of sacred threads of converts and seven maunds of murdered Pandits were burnt. The number of people, to whom these thirteen maunds of sacred threads belonged, might have been tremendously colossal. A mammoth number of the Pandits also went into exile, causing the first disastrous mass exodus of the community. Not only Sikandar- the Butshikan, but Suha Bhatta – the convert, also was responsible for this barbarous, murderous and cruel approach towards Kashmiri Pandits.
The brutal religious persecution of the Kashmiri Pandits has been borne testimony to by almost all the Muslim historians. Hassan, Fauq and Nizam–ud–Din have condemned these excesses in unscathing terms. It was the reign of terror and homicide. Even then, they did not forget their past and rich tradition. As the custodians of their extraordinary cultural heritage, they wrote the illuminating treatises on the stupendous Kashmir Shaivism, colossal literature, splendid art, marvellous music, grammar and medicine.
A recent find by Kashmir Rechords—a rare Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from 1924-1934—has uncovered a forgotten chapter of history, revealing the existence of a “Fire Temple” dedicated to Swami Dhooni Sahib near Gujrat, Pakistan. Built by the Kashmiri Pandit community in Qilladar (Killadar) around 1884, this temple and adjacent school embody their devotion, cultural resilience, and educational values.
(By:Dr.Rajesh Bhat)*
The recent discovery of a rare Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from British India, dated between 1924 and 1934, has revealed a hidden chapter of history, bringing to light an extraordinary story of cultural resilience and devotion. This directory not only showcases the lives of Kashmiri Pandits across British India but also unveils the existence of a unique Temple, built in memory of the revered mystic Swami Dhooni Sahib. This structure stands as a symbol of the community’s enduring spirit and reverence, located near Gujrat city in what is now Pakistan.
Historical Significance of the Dhooni Temple
The Dhooni Sahib Temple, or what they now call, “Fire Temple,” is believed to have been constructed around 1884 in the town of Qilladar (also known as Killadar) in Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan. Adjacent to this sacred structure, the Kashmiri Pandit community also built a school and an inn for travellers—a testament to their commitment to education and hospitality. The temple’s location and purpose hold unique cultural importance, as it was built on a site with natural flames emerging from the earth, which possibly drew mystics like Swami Dhooni Sahib for worship.
In addition to its religious significance, the site highlights the cohesive nature of the Kashmiri Pandit community in preserving their heritage. Despite being scattered across British India, these families maintained strong ties to their roots, even constructing a temple and school far from their homeland to honor their values and spiritual mentors.
Qilladar: A Hub of Heritage and Influence
Qilladar, a town in Gujrat District near the Upper Jhelum Canal, became a cultural and spiritual centre for the Kashmiri Pandits in British India. Its strategic location—close to major cities like Amritsar, Lahore, Sialkot and Jammu—made it a meeting point for communities and travellers alike. The town was historically significant as some of the decedents of Dewan Dena Nath, a prominent Kashmiri Pandit figure in the Sikh Empire’s durbar, continued his legacy of community building by constructing the Fire Temple in Dhooni Sahib’s honor.
Under the governance of Sir Charles Umpherston Aitchinson, then Lt. Governor of Punjab, the Kashmiri Pandit community received support to build the temple. Dewan Dena Nath’s family lineage and the Madan clan, notable Kashmiri Pandits in the region, were instrumental in maintaining the temple and the school complex, which fostered learning and faith for future generations.
Legends and Myths of the `Fire’ Temple
The Dhooni Temple, according to local traditions, is said to be rooted in mystical significance. Stories speak of a perpetual flame emerging naturally from the earth, which may have inspired Dhooni Sahib and other mystics to consider it a sacred site. Sadly, this remarkable heritage site now suffers from encroachment and deterioration, with remnants barely hinting at its former grandeur.
Today, videos and photos of the temple(s) circulated by local Pakistani content creators have sparked interest, though limited historical knowledge has left gaps in understanding the temple’s origin. Misinterpretations have even led to speculation that it might be a Sun Temple, as the word “Dhooni” relates to fire in Hindi. This post of Kashmir Rechords thus aims to dispel these myths by bringing clarity to the temple’s history and role in the Kashmiri Pandit tradition.
Legacy in Peril: The Struggle to Preserve a Heritage Site
The once-vibrant structures of the Dhooni Sahib Temple and the school complex now stand in a state of disrepair. Maharaj Baheshar Nath Razdan, a Kashmiri Pandit who managed the temple, school, and inn, dedicated years of service to preserving the sanctity of the site. However, the passing of time and the division wrought by the 1947 partition has left this cultural gem largely abandoned.
Although local YouTubers and enthusiasts have made efforts to document the site, the absence of comprehensive historical data has hindered a true appreciation of its value. Kashmir Rechords thus hopes to reconstruct the story of the Fire Temple, school, and the surrounding community to share it with future generations, ensuring that this chapter of Kashmiri Pandit heritage remains in collective memory.
The Present Condition of Dhooni `Fire’ Temple at Qilladar, Gujrat.Pic Courtesy: Ratas Hussain, YouTuber
Rediscovering the Past for Future Generations
With the Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from 1924–1934 now in hand, Kashmir Rechords is embarking on a journey to uncover and share further insights about Kashmiri Pandit life and legacy across British India. This historical document, filled with photographs, family details, and anecdotes, is a window into a rich heritage that extends beyond the geographical boundaries of Kashmir.
Through ongoing research and publications, Kashmir Rechords aspires to illuminate more such hidden stories. The Dhooni Saheb Temple in Qilladar, Gujrat, serves not only as a reminder of Kashmiri Pandit faith and resilience but also as an inspiration for preserving cultural memory, honoring the past while paving the way for future generations to rediscover and cherish their heritage.
* Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher; formerly associated with Daily Excelsior J&K and The Tribune, Chandīgarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War. He can be reached at: raajbhat@gmail.com
on November 4, 1989, Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo’s body lay unattended—an unsettling reminder of the fear that gripped the valley
Kashmir Rechords’ Tributes
On a crisp November 4 morning in 1989, a figure strolled out of a local Bank on Hari Singh High Street in Srinagar, unaware that these steps would be his last. Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo, a retired yet resolute man of 72, was leaving his last public errand, his life soon to be cut short by a group of terrorists lurking nearby. As they approached him in broad daylight, they brought not only an end to a life devoted to justice but also plunged an entire community of Kashmiri Pandits into fear and sorrow. The tragic irony lies here: the man who had delivered justice to countless others was denied it himself, even 35 years later. His soul, like those of many others, seems to be waiting—crying out for the justice he had once so boldly represented.
Judge Ganjoo’s life, much like his death, was marked by acts of immense courage. He was a Kashmiri Pandit and a towering figure in the judicial world of Jammu and Kashmir. Between 1966 and 1968, he presided over a sensational and deeply polarizing trial: that of Maqbool Butt, co-founder of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), charged with the murder of police constable Amar Chand. The trial ended with Judge Ganjoo pronouncing the death sentence on Butt in August 1968, a decision that would haunt him until his final day. Over the years, attempts on his life became a grim routine, as newspapers of that era reported that no fewer than six attempts had been made at his home in Karan Nagar. Despite the serious threats, he was denied elaborate protection. And on that fateful day of November 4, 1989, his assassins succeeded.
As his lifeless body lay in the street for hours, unmoved and unattended, Srinagar went back to its usual humdrum life. Buses resumed their routes, shops reopened, and people went about their daily business, some averting their gaze, others too terrified to even approach. Eventually, a few brave Policemen risked their own safety to retrieve his body, but even that final act of dignity came too late.
The Soul That Still Cries for Justice
In August 2023, thirty-four years after Judge Ganjoo’s assassination, the Jammu and Kashmir Police’s State Investigation Agency (SIA) issued a public communiqué asking for assistance to solve the case. With promises of protection and rewards for any information, they rekindled hope for answers.
But to the family, this seemed like pouring salt into old wounds. It was, as they put it, “too little, too late.” After so many years of waiting, they feared the renewed investigation might only deepen their pain. After all, decades had passed with the killers evading justice, and the world had moved on, leaving Judge Ganjoo’s family to grapple with their grief alone. More than a year has passed since this public notice was published in newspapers, but no headway has reportedly been met till date.
Judge Ganjoo’s killing was not an isolated tragedy; it was a calculated move to strike fear into the heart of the Kashmiri Pandit community, a second high-profile murder after the assassination of BJP leader Tika Lal Taploo. These targeted killings became part of a larger campaign of terror, aiming to drive the Pandits from their homeland not by choice but by force. Thousands were forced into exile, leaving behind the land their ancestors had cherished for centuries.
The memory of Judge Ganjoo’s assassination still looms like a shadow over the justice system he once upheld. Even now, his soul lingers, echoing through the annals of history, asking for the very justice he had delivered to so many. His was a life committed to principles, bound by duty. And as the valley’s wounds from those dark days remain unhealed, the judge’s silent cry for justice reverberates—a poignant reminder of the forgotten, of a life sacrificed, and a soul still waiting for peace.
In October 1947, as three-year-old Jaswant Singh lay in his grandmother’s arms, he had little idea of the tragedy surrounding him. In a brutal act of violence that would devastate hundreds of Sikh families, including his own, his father, mother, and grandfather were killed in the Muzaffarabad massacre, which swept through the region in a wave of religious persecution and violence. Caught in the turmoil, Jaswant Singh lost nearly everything—except for the steadfast love and protection of his grandmother, Bhani Devi.
In a display of unwavering courage, Bhani Devi managed to flee with young Jaswant in tow, carrying him through harrowing paths to escape the raiders. This elderly woman, with her only surviving grandchild cradled close, would become his entire world. Though she carried him to safety, she left behind her husband, Subha Singh, and the homeland that had nurtured generations of their family. Clutching a black-and-white photograph of his grandmother Bhani Devi, Jaswant Singh continues to carry her memory and the shared legacy wherever he goes.
Bani Devi, registered as a Migrant from Pakistan-held -Kashmir in 1960.
Finding Refuge, Rebuilding Lives
The survivor of 1947 Muzaffarabad Massacre–Bani Devi
The journey of Grandmother-Grandson duo was marked by constant struggle, from the makeshift refugee camps of Dharamshala to Bhopal. While they found temporary shelter, Jaswant, Bhani Devi and hundreds of other Sikh families shared an intense yearning to honor the loved ones they’d lost. Finally, in 1956, they found a place of permanent refuge in Patiala, Punjab. Arriving with little more than memories and heartache, these families began to rebuild their lives, starting from scratch.
In Patiala, the State granted them barren lands. Despite their determination, the infertile soil was almost impossible to cultivate, and Bhani Devi, like many others, eventually had to surrender the land. But these resilient families found strength in each other. United in loss, they nurtured a powerful vision: a sacred space where they could remember and honor those left behind in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur.
The Gurudwara: A Sanctuary of Remembrance and Resilience
In 1956, with community support, these survivors created Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, in Patiala. Rising tall in the Tripari area, this Gurudwara is much more than bricks and mortar—it stands as a testament to the resilience of a community that, despite devastating loss, held fast to their faith and unity. It serves as a shrine to history, a sanctuary for grief, and a reminder to future generations of the courage it took to survive. (Kashmir Rechords has already carried a detailed story on Shri Gurudwara, Muzaffarabad, Patiala and can be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/gurudwara-at-patiala-a-beacon-for-the-survivors-of-muzaffarabad-massacre/)
Today, this sacred Gurudwara brings together the descendants of nearly 300 families who endured the Muzaffarabad massacre. Every year, they gather within its walls to share stories, pay respects, and honor the memories of those they lost. For Jaswant Singh and countless others, this Gurudwara is more than a place of worship. It is a sanctuary of resilience, a standing reminder of the spirit’s ability to endure in the face of adversity.
1947 Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivor, Jaswant Singh with the Author.
A Legacy Carried Forward
Jaswant Singh, now in his twilight years, sees the Gurudwara as a reminder not only of the past but of the enduring unity, faith, and remembrance that keep his community strong. As he looks at the photograph of his grandmother, he carries forward not only her memory but also the collective legacy of those who survived with him. Through Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, the story of survival, strength, and remembrance lives on, reminding everyone that, no matter the hardship, the human spirit can—and will—endure.
*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher; formerly associated with Daily Excelsior J&K and The Tribune, Chandīgarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War.
A 1996 Plan by Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and Governor Gen K.V. Krishna Rao to Bring Back Exiled Kashmiri Pandits Failed Due to Resistance from Within the Community.
(Kashmir Re’Chords Exclusive)
In the early months of 1996, India was on the verge of a bold initiative that could have reshaped the fate of thousands of exiled Kashmiri Pandits. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, General K.V. Krishna Rao, were working on a meticulously devised plan aimed at facilitating the return of Kashmiri Pandit families, who had to flee the Valley during the violent unrest of the 1990s. The plan was on the brink of being set in motion, with both leaders determined to see it through. However, a surprising and strong resistance from Kashmiri Pandit organizations themselves would eventually stall this historic move.
A Vision for Homecoming
Prime Minister Rao, known for his political astuteness and deep understanding of Kashmir’s complex socio-political landscape, was deeply committed to bringing the Kashmiri Pandits back to their homeland. Supported by General Krishna Rao, the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, the plan aimed to restore normalcy in the region through the rehabilitation of those displaced by militancy. The blueprint was prepared over several months of discussions, between October 1995 and February 1996, with the intention of launching the initiative in April of that year.
At the heart of the plan was the establishment of a special Council dedicated to the rehabilitation of victims of militancy. This Council, chaired by the Governor with the Chief Secretary as its executive head, had been registered and equipped with an initial corpus of Rs 20 crore. It laid the groundwork for a phased return of Kashmiri Pandit families to selected, safer areas of the Valley.
Confidence Building and Social Dialogue
The return plan was not just logistical but also strategic in fostering a social dialogue between the migrants and the local communities in Kashmir. Visits to the migrant camps by prominent Valley personalities were envisaged to build trust and pave the way for reconciliation. A few zones in areas like Pulwama, Baramulla, Anantnag, Bandipora and Srinagar were identified as initial points of resettlement, where social interactions could help initiate a broader peace process.
Newspaper reports from March 1996 available with Kashmir Rechords suggest that many Kashmiri Pandits had shown interest in the plan, raising hopes that a peaceful return was possible. According to the then Chief Secretary, Ashok Kumar, the groundwork was laid, and initial responses were encouraging.
Resistance from Within
However, despite the careful planning and the personal commitment of Prime Minister Rao and Governor Krishna Rao, the return plan faced an unexpected and vehement rejection from key Kashmiri Pandit organizations. On March 19, 1996, just as the plan was being formalized, major migrant groups unanimously opposed the initiative.
N.N. Kaul, president of the Kashmiri Samiti Delhi, led the charge against the plan, accusing the government of taking Kashmiri migrants for granted. Ramesh Razdan, general secretary of Panun Kashmir, dismissed the move as “vague and meaningless,” while A.N. Vaishnavi, president of the All-State Kashmiri Pandit Conference (ASKPC), issued a “clear cut directive” to all Pandit migrants, urging them to avoid contact with members of the Valley’s majority community.
A Missed Opportunity
As the resistance mounted and the 1996 general elections loomed, the window for implementing the plan rapidly closed. With the change of government in May 1996, P.V. Narasimha Rao’s tenure ended, and with it, the dream of facilitating the return of Kashmiri Pandits faded into the background. Though Rao had been passionate about the issue, the resistance from within the Pandit community itself had made it difficult to proceed.
Now, nearly three decades later, in 2024, the exiled Kashmiri Pandits remain scattered across the country, still awaiting a viable return plan. The opposition from various organizations persists, and the dream of reconciliation and return, envisioned by the two Raos, remains unfulfilled.
The efforts of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and Governor Gen K.V. Krishna Rao stand as a poignant reminder of a missed opportunity—one that could have possibly rewritten the history of Kashmir.
The Gurudwara, Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, Kashmirian at Patiala, Punjab is more than a building. It is a monument to the grief, love, and resilience of a community that endured unspeakable horrors. Each year, the descendants of those 300 families gather here to commemorate the victims of the October 1947 Muzaffarabad massacre.
In the heart of Patiala, Punjab, stands a small Gurudwara—an emblem of resilience, remembrance, and hope. This sacred place is not merely a site of worship but a living testament to a story woven in pain, loss, and unyielding courage. It tells the tale of 300 Sikh families from Muzaffarabad and Kotli, whose ancestors once thrived in what is now Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. These families lived harmoniously with their land and traditions until the tragic events of October 1947 forever altered their destinies.
The partition of India left deep scars across the subcontinent, and for these families, the impact was especially profound. When Pashtun tribesmen, backed by the Pakistani Army, stormed through the villages of Mirpur, Kotli, and Muzaffarabad, the lives of these Sikh families were irreparably shattered. Their peaceful homes were transformed into battlegrounds, and their loved ones became martyrs in a storm of violence. Thousands of Sikhs and Hindus were mercilessly killed, and women were forced to jump into rivers to escape enslavement and forced conversion.
The Escape from Muzaffarabad
Amidst this horror, around 300 Sikh families of Muzaffarabad and 20 surrounding villages miraculously survived the massacre. Fleeing with nothing but the clothes on their backs and the grief of leaving behind their ancestral lands, they sought refuge in migrant camps, first in Dharamshala and then at Bhopal. Despite their immense loss, they were determined to keep the memory of their fallen loved ones alive.
Rebuilding Lives in Patiala
In 1956, after moving from migrant Camp set up at Bhopal, these survivors finally found solace in Patiala, Punjab, where they began to rebuild their lives. Yet, they did not—and could not—forget their past. In memory of those who were killed, they united to construct a Gurudwara—a sacred place that would forever honor the souls lost in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur.
The Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, Kashmirian at Tripari, Patiala, is more than a building. It is a monument to the grief, love, and resilience of a community that endured unspeakable horrors. Each year, the descendants of those 300 families gather here to commemorate the victims of the October 1947 Muzaffarabad massacre. The retelling of their ancestors’ stories serves not to reopen old wounds but to ensure the sacrifices of their people are never forgotten.
A Beacon of Strength and Memory
This Gurudwara stands as a reminder not just of the partition but of the enduring human spirit in the face of overwhelming loss. For the descendants of these families, their ancestors’ stories are not distant history but a living legacy, shaping their identity and sense of purpose.
As time passes, the physical evidence of the violence in Muzaffarabad and Kotli may fade, but the Gurudwara in Patiala ensures that the memory of those who were killed for their faith remains eternal. It serves as both a silent witness to their suffering and a powerful proclamation of their resilience. Through prayers, tears, and unwavering faith, the survivors of 1947 and their descendants keep the spirit of their homeland alive, forever yearning for the lands they were forced to leave but never truly lost in their hearts.
In the intricate history of Kashmir, many individuals have left indelible marks, though their names may not always be celebrated. One such figure is P.K. Wattal, a Kashmiri Pandit and dedicated civil servant, who played a pivotal role during the early years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s reign as the “Minister-in-Waiting.” His story is one of unwavering commitment, meticulous governance, and a profound sense of duty that provided stability during a crucial period of transition.
A Unique Designation: The “Minister-in-Waiting”
When Maharaja Hari Singh was coronated between February 22 and 28, 1926, he ascended to the throne of a vast and complex princely state. The young ruler, facing immense responsibilities, relied heavily on seasoned administrators to guide him through the intricacies of governance. Among these trusted advisors was P.K. Wattal, who was bestowed with the unique and somewhat curious title of “Minister-in-Waiting.”
O/o Minister-in-Waiting: P K Wattal
To modern ears, the title may seem quaint, but it signified a role of immense responsibility. Wattal was far from a mere ceremonial figure; he was the backbone of the administration, entrusted with managing the critical affairs of the state during the formative years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s rule. His legendary work ethic meant he often took on the majority of file work and decision-making tasks, ensuring that the young Maharaja was not overwhelmed by the demands of his new position.
A Steady Hand in Uncertain Times
From 1926 to April 1930, Wattal’s tenure as Minister-in-Waiting was marked by his tireless dedication to ensuring the smooth operation of the state’s administration. His meticulous attention to detail provided a strong cushion for Maharaja Hari Singh, who was still acclimating to the responsibilities of leadership. Even when the Maharaja embarked on a European tour in May 1928, records assessed by Kashmir Rechords indicate that Wattal continued to manage the state’s affairs with unwavering diligence, leaving nothing to chance in the ruler’s absence.
Wattal’s commitment to his role did not go unnoticed. His “waiting” period culminated in May 1930, when he was promoted to the position of full-fledged Finance and Development Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. This elevation was a testament to his steadfast dedication to the state and his remarkable ability to manage its complex affairs with precision and skill.
Wattal’s elevation as Finance and Development Minister in 1930.
The Legacy of a Quiet Leader
Though P.K. Wattal’s contributions may not be widely recognized today, they were crucial in shaping the early years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s rule. His role as Minister-in-Waiting, though largely behind the scenes, was instrumental in laying the foundation for the administration’s future successes. Wattal embodied the qualities of a true public servant—dedication, humility, and an unwavering commitment to his duty.
As we reflect on the history of Kashmir’s princely era, it is essential to remember figures like Wattal, whose legacy reminds us that true leadership is not always about being in the spotlight; sometimes, it is about being the steady hand that guides from behind the scenes.
Readers are welcome to add to this story, if they have any inputs, since no one has so far written about Mr P K Wattal all these years !
Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
Over 120 years ago, in a powerful and impassioned letter, Annie Besant, President of the Board of Trustees of the Central Hindu College, Benares, made a heartfelt appeal to Kashmiri Pandits living in Undivided India! Her message was clear: rise to the occasion and support the establishment of a Hindu college in Srinagar. “The time has come for Kashmiri Pandits to contribute to the education of their homeland, or risk seeing their youth steered towards foreign ideals by Christian missionaries, flush with funds from English donors,” she warned.
Besant’s letter, published and circulated in major newspapers and journals of the time, was a rallying cry to preserve the cultural and intellectual future of Kashmir. She highlighted the urgent need for funds to elevate the Hindu High School in Srinagar—established in 1901 with the support of Maharaja Pratap Singh and his brother Amar Singh—into a second-grade college. Without this, Kashmiri students had to travel to distant cities like Lahore for higher education, a privilege many could not afford. Kashmir Rechords is in possession of this prized archival letter and is reproducing some of its excerpts here.
Kashmir Education at a Crossroad
At the heart of Besant’s letter was the belief that the educational future of Kashmir was at a critical juncture. The lack of higher education in the Valley meant that non-Kashmiris filled most senior positions in the State, an issue that deeply concerned both the Maharaja and the State Durbar, she warned. To remedy this, they were determined to build and fund a college in Srinagar. However, progress was being stalled, and Besant’s letter sought the active support of the prosperous Kashmiri Pandit community living in British India to make this vision a reality.
Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?” she asked in her letter, pointing to the urgent need for preserving the region’s traditions through education.
Annie Besant’s Plan: A Call for Contributions
Besant’s appeal focused on a practical solution: regular financial contributions from Kashmiri Pandits. She outlined the importance of guaranteed monthly subscriptions—whether Rs. 5, Rs. 10, Rs. 25, Rs. 50, or Rs. 100—to ensure the long-term success of the college. “Many of you can afford this without feeling any financial strain,” she reassured, urging the community to act swiftly.
Donations, along with the first month’s subscription, could be sent to the Honorary Secretary of the Central Hindu College, Benaras, clearly marked for the “Kashmir College Fund.” One-time donations for initial expenses were also welcome, but regular support was essential for ensuring the stability of the college in the years to come.
Empowering Kashmir’s Youth
Since its establishment in 1901, the Hindu High School in Srinagar had provided quality education to over 600 boys, with two additional branch schools serving younger students. The Maharaja, eager to promote higher education in his State, had worked tirelessly with the Durbar to raise the status of the school to that of a second-grade college. Yet, without sufficient funds, this vision was under threat.
At the time, Kashmiri students who wished to pursue higher education had no option but to leave the Valley for places like Lahore. For those unable to afford this, higher education remained a distant dream, and the local administration struggled to fill top government positions with qualified Kashmiri candidates. Annie Besant’s appeal came at a crucial moment, urging the community to take control of their own educational destiny.
The Legacy of Annie Besant’s Appeal
Following Besant’s passionate plea, a local managing committee was formed in Srinagar to oversee the efforts to establish the college. There is a mention of the same in her letter. The committee included prominent figures like Dr. Bal Krishna Kaul, Rai Sahab Daya Krishna Kaul (Private Secretary to the Maharaja), Bhavani Das (Revenue Officer), Swami Baldev Ji and H.A. Wilson (Principal of the Srinagar Hindu High School), with Rishivara Mukherji serving as Honorary Secretary.
The Maharaja gladly obliged, and in 1905, the foundation of the Hindu College was laid. Initially operating from two rooms near the present-day Secretariat building, the college was eventually shifted to its permanent site in 1911.
The institution, later renamed Sri Pratap College, became affiliated with Panjab University, Lahore, marking the beginning of higher education in Kashmir. Besant’s efforts, combined with the support of the Kashmiri Pandit community, ensured that the youth of Kashmir could now pursue their academic aspirations without leaving their homeland. The future of Kashmiri education had been secured, and the cultural and intellectual heritage of the Valley was preserved for generations to come.
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At Kashmir Rechords, we are committed to bringing you unique, untold stories from Jammu & Kashmir, grounded in authenticity and supported by solid evidence. Every write-up is carefully researched, verified through archival materials, documents, letters, photographs, and credible references.
With the unwavering support of our readers, we aim to make Kashmir Rechords a trusted repository of genuine historical insights, striking a meaningful chord with the rich heritage of Kashmir.
Every year on September 14, Kashmiri Pandits observe Martyrdom Day to remember their leaders and loved ones lost in the conflict of 1989-1990. One name often evoked is Pt. Tika Lal Taploo, a prominent Pandit leader whose assassination on September 14, 1989, marked the beginning of a tragic chapter that culminated in the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits on January 19, 1990. However, the martyrdom of the community extends far beyond Taploo’s death. The true tragedy lies in the loss of countless Pandits who perished far from their homeland, denied the dignity of being cremated in the sacred land of their ancestors.
For the displaced community, it wasn’t just about losing their homes, but also the final connection to their heritage—the right to rest in their own land.
Rajinder Park: A Refuge for Grief and Last Rites
In the early 1990s, the Pandit community, thrust into exile in Jammu, faced an overwhelming dilemma. With no place to gather, no traditional cremation grounds, and a communication vacuum in an era before social media, they were left in disarray. Unlike today, when a death can be shared instantly on platforms like WhatsApp, Kashmiri Pandits relied on local newspapers to spread the heart-breaking news of terrorist killings in Kashmir. The absence of a central address, a shared space for collective grief, further deepened the community’s alienation.
It was in this void that Rajinder Park, located on Jammu’s Canal Road, emerged as an unintended sanctuary. Originally a public space, it transformed into a vital gathering place where Kashmiri Pandits could come together, mourn their dead, and perform the last rites, the Tenth-Day Kriya. Families, who had fled the horrors of their homeland, now found themselves in Rajinder Park, a place that soon became symbolic of their new reality—an exile with no true home.
A Landmark of Resilience
For the older generation of Kashmiri Pandits, Rajinder Park is etched deeply in their memory. It became a witness to their collective sorrow, where the sounds of sobbing and whispered prayers replaced the serenity that once filled the park. It served as a space of solace, where families would honor their deceased and perform rituals, which were traditionally reserved for the sacred Ghats of Kashmir. In the absence of their homeland, Rajinder Park became the place where they could cling to their cultural traditions, even if it was in the heart of an unfamiliar city.
The park played this critical role for years until more formal Tenth Day Kriya Ghats were established at Muthi , Tawi Bridge in Jammu and at the banks of Chenab near Akhnoor Town. Yet, for many in the community, Rajinder Park remains more than a temporary refuge; it is a powerful reminder of those early years of displacement when Kashmiri Pandits were forced to navigate unimaginable grief and loss in exile.
While many of the younger generation may not know its significance, Rajinder Park Jammu stands as a monument to the resilience, sacrifice, and endurance of the Kashmiri Pandit community. For those who lived through the harrowing events of 1990, the park is more than just a physical space—it is a testament to the strength of a people who, even in the depths of despair, found ways to preserve their dignity and cultural identity.
For every Kashmiri Pandit who died far from home, Rajinder Park, Jammu stands as a poignant reminder that their sacrifices, and the shared history of their community, will never be forgotten.
In the rich tapestry of Kashmir’s medical history, few names shine as brightly as that of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan (1914-1988). Known affectionately as “The Lukmaan of Kashmir,” Dr. Jan’s reputation for diagnosing and treating a wide range of ailments without the use of modern biomedical equipment made him a household name. His legacy continues to resonate in the Valley, a testament to his extraordinary skill and compassion.
But as we celebrate the achievements of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan, another name, now almost forgotten, calls out from the shadows of the past. This is the story of Dr. Abdul Waahid, the unsung healer of early 20th Century Kashmir whose contributions predate even the birth of Dr. Jan and yet have largely faded from memory.
Long before Dr. Ali Jan became synonymous with medical care in Kashmir, there was Dr. Abdul Waahid. Practicing between 1905 and 1920, Dr. Waahid was the go-to physician for both locals and the many tourists and visitors who flocked to the Valley. A distinguished medical practitioner from London, he brought the latest medical knowledge to a region where advanced healthcare was still a rarity.
His clinic, situated at Amira Kadal in Srinagar, near Dharamshalla was not just a place of healing but a beacon of hope for those in need of advanced medical care. Patients traveled from far and wide, including cities like Lahore and Amritsar, to seek his expertise. Even as Christian missionaries established a strong presence in Kashmir’s healthcare, Dr. Waahid’s practice flourished, a testament to his skill and dedication.
Newspapers and magazines from that era, uncovered by Kashmir Rechords, are filled with advertisements lauding Dr. Waahid’s abilities. Yet, despite his significant contributions, his name has largely faded from public memory, overshadowed by the medical luminaries who followed.
Before the advent of modern medicine, Kashmir’s healthcare was dominated by traditional practices, overseen by Hakims and Barbers. These practitioners relied on their knowledge of herbs and rudimentary surgical techniques to treat the sick. The arrival of Christian missionaries in the mid-19th century, however, marked the beginning of a transformative era in Kashmir’s healthcare—a story that is for some other day.
For those interested in exploring more of Kashmir’s rich medical history and cultural heritage, stay connected with Kashmir Rechords at www.kashmir-rechords.com. Here, you’ll find genuine, authentic anecdotes supported by historical and documentary evidence, each one a chord in the symphony of Kashmir’s past. You can also follow us on @Kashmir_Rec on Twitter and also on Face Book.
In the annals of Kashmir’s rich history, few figures stand out as vividly as Miru Pandit, a man who bridged the ancient wisdom of his homeland with the demands of a changing world. During the Mughal era, as Kashmir’s cultural and intellectual heritage was woven into the fabric of the empire, men like Miru Pandit with his military prowess played a crucial role in preserving and adapting this legacy. His resilience and intellect made him a beacon of his culture, embodying the strength and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community.
Kashmiri Pandits and Mughal Empire
The Kashmiri Pandits were recognized by the Mughals as the “most respectable class,” often attracting the attention of rulers like Akbar, who valued their knowledge and integrity. This high regard is documented in several historical texts on Kashmir, including Pt Jia Lal Kilam’s “History of Kashmiri Pandits.” Although Pandits rarely reached the highest ranks of power, they were often appointed as Peshkars (administrative officials) to the Mughal Subedars. Unlike Muslims, who dominated the army’s upper echelons, Pandits were entrusted with defending volatile border regions—a significant responsibility that highlighted their capability and loyalty. This trust extended to the appointment of Rajput generals to govern Kabul and the military roles assigned to Kashmiri Pandits on the frontiers.
Early Life of Miru Pandit: From Kashmir to Deccan
Miru Pandit’s story begins during the reign of Sikandar (1394-1417 A.D.), when his ancestors migrated from Kashmir to the Bahmani kingdom in South India during Feroz Shah’s rule. Serving as an officer in command of forts in Kamraj province, with his family settled in Ellichpur (Deccan), Miru Pandit eventually left the service of the Golkanda chief and moved to Delhi. There, with the assistance of Hakim Abdul Fateh of Shiraz, he was appointed to a command position in Noor Jehan’s bodyguard.
Miru Pandit’s Bravery in Mughal History
Miru Pandit’s military prowess was brought to the forefront during a pivotal moment in Mughal history. According to “Tarikhi Aqwami Kashmir,” when Mahabat Khan, who had fallen out of favor, captured Emperor Jehangir at Jhelum, Noor Jehan rallied forces to free her husband. In the ensuing conflict, Miru Pandit distinguished himself through his skill and bravery, catching the Emperor’s attention. As a mark of royal favor, Jehangir invited Miru Pandit to return to Kashmir, where he was granted extensive jagirs and made the Governor of Kamraj. His duties included building and supervising forts at strategic locations like Sopore and Baramulla. To man these fortifications, Miru Pandit recruited forces from Muzaffarabad, Uttara Machi (Handwara), and Lolab, earning further rewards from the Mughal overlords for his efficient administration.
Legacy Continues: Bulaqi Pandit and the Defence of Kashmir
The legacy of Miru Pandit continued through his descendants. As noted by author Krishna Dar in the “History of Dar Family,” Bulaqi Pandit, Miru Pandit’s descendant, took charge of defending Kashmir’s borders. By this time, Mughal rule had weakened, and raids by Yagistani tribes had become more frequent and severe. Bulaqi Pandit responded by taking the fight to the enemy’s territory, dealing a crushing blow and securing a truce. The Yagistani leaders swore by the Holy Quran to cease their raids on Kashmir in exchange for the release of prisoners, bringing peace to the region.
Bulaqi Pandit was succeeded by his son, Makund Pandit, who, unfortunately, could not maintain a good relationship with the Subedar of Kashmir. This led to his departure from the Valley. Leaving his family in Kishtwar, he traveled to Delhi, where he presented his grievances to Emperor Mohammad Shah. The Emperor received him warmly, granted him a Khillat (robe of honor), and assigned him to the revenue administration. Although the command of the forts was transferred to another, the Pandits’ connection with the army persisted, with some joining the Sikh and Maratha armies, continuing their tradition of military service.
Mahadeo Pandit in Civil Administration
During the Mughal era, Kashmiri Pandits also held significant positions in civil administration. One notable figure was Pandit Mahadeo, who served as the Peshkar (Chief Minister) to Mughal Subedar Ali Mardan Khan (1650-1657 A.D.). Documents from this period reveal that during Mahadeo’s tenure, the imperial highway from Srinagar to Gujarat was constructed, complete with Caravan Sarais at every stage, making the road wide and easy to traverse.
Enduring Spirit of Kashmir’s Ancient Culture
Miru Pandit and his descendants symbolize the resilience and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community. Despite the challenges and shifting political landscapes, they maintained their integrity and continued to serve with distinction in both military and civil capacities. Their story is a testament to the enduring spirit of Kashmir’s ancient culture, carried forward by those who bore its torch through the storms of time.
In the early 19th century, the picturesque valleys of Kashmir were devastated by a series of merciless famines. Among the many who fled the land in search of survival was a young boy named Sultan Malik. Born into a Rajput Muslim family in Shahabad (Verinag), Kashmir, Sultan’s world was turned upside down when he became an orphan at the tender age of ten. With little more than hope and the guidance of his widowed mother, Sultan joined the exodus to Punjab—a journey that would ultimately lead him to an extraordinary destiny.
The Exodus to Punjab: A New Beginning in Lahore
The migration was fraught with hardship, but it led Sultan and his mother to Lahore, a city undergoing rapid transformation under the rule of Maharaja Sher Singh. Lahore, with its burgeoning construction projects, offered a glimmer of opportunity, though the city’s streets were unforgiving to the impoverished and unskilled. But Sultan was not one to succumb to despair. He was physically strong, with a fierce love for wrestling—a passion that would soon open unexpected doors.
Wrestling into Prominence: A Meeting with Maharaja Sher Singh
Urdu Newspaper and magazines of that era available with www.kashmir-rechords.com reveal that in a twist of fate, Sultan’s prowess in wrestling brought him into the limelight. During a wrestling match organized by Maharaja Sher Singh, the young Kashmiri boy defeated a well-known local wrestler, earning the attention of the Sikh monarch. Impressed by his strength and determination, the Maharaja granted Sultan an audience. It was during this meeting that Sultan shared his struggles in finding work, despite his skills and willingness to toil. Moved by his story, Maharaja Sher Singh awarded him a contract to supply lime (chuna) for the construction of the Lahore Fort—a decision that would alter the course of Sultan’s life.
The Rise of Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan
This contract was the foundation upon which Sultan built his future. His integrity and hard work quickly earned him a reputation, and soon he was known as Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan. His business thrived, and he became a key figure in the construction of several iconic buildings within Lahore’s walled city. Sultan’s rise from a struggling migrant to a celebrated contractor was nothing short of miraculous, a testament to his resilience and drive.
Legacy Beyond the Sikh Empire: Contributions to British Lahore
The fall of the Sikh Empire did not dim Sultan’s fortunes. The British, recognizing his contributions during the Sikh rule, entrusted him with numerous contracts, including the construction of army colonies and other critical structures. Among his most notable projects were the Lahore Railway Station, Landa Bazaar, Delhi Darwaza, and the grand Sultan Mehal. His work extended beyond mere construction; he built wells in the courtyards of buildings and havelis, acts of charity that endeared him to the people of Lahore.
Lahore Railway Stations constructed by Mian Mohd Sultan in 1859
Acts of Benevolence: Sultan’s Inn and Diplomatic Feasts
In 1853, Sultan built an inn near Delhi Gate, on the highway connecting Lahore and Amritsar. This inn provided much-needed rest to travellers and reinforced Sultan’s reputation as a benefactor. His generosity did not go unnoticed by the elite. In 1869, Sultan hosted a lavish feast for the Afghan monarch, strengthening ties between Lahore and Afghanistan. Seven years later, he welcomed Prince Albert Edward, the Prince of Wales, to Lahore, further solidifying his status as a man of influence and respect.
The Decline of Fortunes: A Legacy Endures
Despite his numerous successes, Sultan’s later years were marked by financial difficulties. After facing significant losses, he was forced to mortgage his properties to Maharaja Ranbir Singh of Jammu and Kashmir in exchange for a debt of five lakh rupees. The Maharaja, in recognition of Sultan’s contributions, granted him a pension, but Sultan never fully recovered. His properties were eventually sold, and his fortunes waned.
Mian Mohammad Sultan passed away on February 4, 1876, in Bama Balla, Lahore, leaving behind no heirs. Yet, his legacy as the builder of Lahore endures. A white stone memorial, erected in his honor during a visit by Lord Hardinge, Governor-General of India, in 1911, stands as a lasting testament to the man who, against all odds, shaped the architectural landscape of Lahore.
In the heart of Kashmir, a unique version of the Ramayana stands as a testament to the region’s rich cultural tapestry. This iconic Kashmiri Ramayana, penned by Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat and published multiple times between 1910 and 1940 by Ali Mohammad Tajar Kutab (later known as Ali Mohd and Sons) of Habba Kadal, Srinagar, is adorned with exquisite handmade sketches. These sketches, brimming with dedication and devotion, were crafted by two almost forgotten Kashmiri artists: R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din.
The Silent Artists Behind the Masterpiece
Much has been written about the Kashmiri Ramayanas, but little is known about R.C. Wantoo, a Kashmiri Pandit and G. Mohi ul Din. Their artistry brought to life the verses of Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat, portraying the epic tales of Lord Rama with unmatched skill and passion. Their sketches provided visual narratives that complemented the poetic verses, making the stories more vivid and accessible to readers.
Preserving Their Legacy
Kashmir Rechords, is in possession of two editions of this Ramayana, published by Ali Mohd and Sons. These editions feature the names of R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din, etched beside their beautiful sketches. In an effort to ensure these artists are not forgotten, Kashmir Rechords is bringing their work to the public domain, hoping that those with knowledge of these artists can provide further insights.
The Kashmiri Ramayana: A Cultural Treasure
The book, titled “Rama Avtar Charit—Luv Kush Charit” and “Ramayan Bazaban Kashmiri” by Pandit Devkar Prakash Saheb Bhat, holds a significant place in Kashmiri literature. Even Sir George Grierson, who edited the summary page of Ramayana into English, did not include the sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din. Over the years, this Ramayana has been reprinted in various languages and scripts, including Kashmiri (Nastalique and Nagri), English, and Hindi. However, the unique handmade sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din have often been missing in these versions.
A Call for Recognition
The history of the Kashmiri Ramayanas is vast. The first known Kashmiri Ramayana, “Shankara Ramayana,” was transcribed from Sharada into Devanagari by Shankar Kanth during the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. This was followed by several other versions, each contributing to the literary heritage of Kashmir. Among these, the “Rama Avtar Charit” by Divakar Prakash Bhat, used by George A. Grierson for his summary page translation work, stands out for its inclusion of Wantoo and Mohi ul Din’s sketches. It is in this book that the famous Kashmiri lines are found:
“Koushaliya Hindeh Gobroo,
Karyo Goore Goore,
Paryo Ram Ramie,
Karyo Goore Goore”
Seeking Contributions
Kashmir Rechords aims to publish a detailed account of the Kashmiri Ramayanas and their various editions in future write-ups. In the meantime, we are seeking information about R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din. Those who know about these artists are encouraged to provide genuine inputs to support@kashmir-rechords.comor kashmirrechords@gmail.com. Full credit will be given to contributors, ensuring that the legacy of these remarkable artists is preserved and celebrated.
In a fascinating glimpse into the past, a rare edition of Captain A.H. Bingley’s book “Dogras” provides a detailed account of the valorous Dogra soldiers and their unique recruitment process. The book, originally printed in 1899 at the Central Printing Office in Shimla under the orders of the Government of India, was a comprehensive effort to compile information on the Dogras for their induction into the British Army.
A Cultural Insight into the Dogra Soldiers
Known for their bravery and loyalty, Dogra soldiers were traditionally selected at cultural Melas, fairs and festivals. This method of recruitment was meticulously documented by Captain Bingley, a member of the 7th (Duke of Connaught’s Own) Bengal Infantry. His work not only highlights the military prowess of the Dogras but also delves into their history, customs, culture, and the regions they inhabited, including Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab and parts of Himachal Pradesh.
The book’s significance is further enhanced by its revisions. In 1921, A. B. Longden added to the original text, and later, Dr. Sukhdev Singh Charak included chapters on Dogra art and literature, making it an invaluable resource on Dogra history and culture.
Military Brilliance and Unique Recruitment
Captain Bingley emphasized the Dogras’ exceptional capabilities in mountain warfare, citing numerous expeditions on the Punjab frontier and their distinguished service in the Hunza-Nagar campaign of 1891 and the defence of Chitral. Unlike other conservative Hindus of the time, Dogras were open to sea voyages and foreign service, with many serving in China in 1860.
The book also highlights specific Dogra recruiting grounds, from Akhnoor to Chamba and Kangra, extending to the South and East of the Chenab in Jammu and Kashmir. It mentions territories along the border of Jammu, including Pathankot, Shakargarh, Sialkot, and Zafarwal, and regions like Jasrota and the Ravi Belt, inhabited by both Hindu and Muslim Dogras.
The Melas: A Unique Recruitment Ground
One of the book’s most intriguing revelations is the practice of recruiting Dogra soldiers at local fairs and Melas. These events, with both religious and commercial significance, were organized throughout the year in areas now part of Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, and Jammu and Kashmir. Notable recruitment fairs were held in the Kangra belt, Hoshiarpur area, and Jammu region, including places like Kangra, Jawala Mukhi, Dharmshalla, Parmandal, Mirpur, Ghagwal, Mansar, and Kana Chack.
However, the selection process faced challenges, as it was sometimes difficult to verify the character and antecedents of
recruits. Despite these limitations, this method highlighted the cultural strength and fighting skills of potential soldiers.
Changing Times and Practices
While some of these cultural and commercial fairs continue to be held, the recruitment process has evolved significantly. In the fast-changing modern lifestyle, the traditional practice of selecting soldiers at fairs has faded, replaced by more structured and formal recruitment methods.
Kashmir Rechords, in possession of this rare edition, underscores the historical and cultural importance of Captain Bingley’s work. As the book finds renewed attention, it serves as a testament to the rich legacy and unique traditions of the Dogra soldiers, offering a window into a fascinating chapter of Military history.
Shadipur Kashmir Dashaar, often likened to the revered Purna Kumbh Mela, used to be a unique and ancient festival celebrated by Kashmiri Pandits. Unlike the regularly scheduled Kumbh Melas, the timing of Kashmir’s Dashaar depends on ten specific astronomical and astrological configurations, occurring roughly every 10, 12, 36 or 75 years. Due to these ten celestial combinations, the festival is named “Dashaar,” meaning ten combinations on a single day! This uncertainty in timing has led to the festival entering Kashmiri folklore as “Dahi Veher Dashaar,” literally meaning once in a Blue Moon. The festival is celebrated at the confluence of the Jhelum (Vitasta) and Sindh rivers in Shadipur, present Ganderbal district of Kashmir.
The Chinar Tree at Shadipur, Kashmir.
Historical Insights
During his post-doctoral research at the Jammu and Kashmir Department of Archives and Archaeology at Jammu, this Author stumbled upon a significant file titled “Dashaar Mela at Shadipur-1941”. The festival was last celebrated on June 14, 2016, after a 75-year hiatus, with the previous celebration on June 4, 1941. Historical records upon the perusal of this delicate file revealed that over 100,000 pilgrims had attended the 1941 Dashaar, far exceeding the expected 40,000. An earlier celebration in 1911 saw a cholera outbreak affecting thousands of pilgrims.
Celestial Significance
The festival is celebrated every time in June (Jyeshta) under specific astrological conditions: a Tuesday or Wednesday with the Moon in Virgo and the Sun in Taurus during Ananda Yog. The confluence of the Jhelum and Sindh rivers, known as Prayag Chinar, is considered sacred, akin to the confluence of the Ganges and Yamuna at Prayag in Allahabad. Kashmiri Pandits regard the Sindh stream as the sacred Ganga and Vitasta as another name for the river Yamuna, supported by verses 305-307 in the Nilmata Purana.
The 1941 and 1911 Dashaar
The preserved file, accessed by this Author, mentions that the 1941 festival, falling on June 4, 1941, corresponding to 22nd Jyeshta, 1998 Vikram Samvat, was declared a public holiday in the entire districts of Baramulla, Anantnag, and Muzaffarabad. The Maharaja’s government had allocated Rs 200 for rescue boats and ropes, kept Rs 500 for unforeseen expenses, and deployed 100 Maharaja Guards and Medical Officers from Sumbal and Ganderbal. Over one-lakh pilgrims had participated, far exceeding expectations. This was based on the report of Deputy Chief Security General, who had estimated only 40,000 devotees.
In 1911, the festival faced a terrible cholera outbreak, requiring treatment for 3,063 pilgrims. A 16-year-old Kashmiri Pandit boy, whose identity was not revealed, had lost his life when a boat overturned.
The 2016 Celebration
Passing the Heritage Baton to the Young…. An elderly Kashmiri Pandit with her daughter during 2016 Dashaar festival.
In 2016, the festival celebrated after 75 years, saw elaborate arrangements, including transport, security, and sanitation. Local Muslim residents provided essential supplies and boat services. The Chinar Tree, which was photographed by Fred Bremner in 1905, was in 2016 also surrounded by water on all sides. One had to come to this Chinar tree in a boat and go up some steps to have a commanding view of the confluence. The site, with its Shiva Lingam, has been a place of worship for centuries. Kashmiri Pandits who were incidentally already in Kashmir for Mela Kheer Bhawani of 2016, also participated in the Dashaar festival that year.
The Chinar Tree at Shadipur, Kashmir in 1905, photographed by Fred Bremner.
Cultural and Spiritual Significance
Sh Sanjay Raina
Sanjay Raina, an expert on the traditional and rituals of Kashmiri Pandits, explains,: “The Dashaar festival is always celebrated in the month of June (on 10th Jyeshta Shukla Paksha), either on Tuesday or Wednesday, with Hasta as Nakshatra, Moon in Virgo, and Sun in Taurus during Ananda Yog.” Raina cites the Nirnay Sindhu, Dashaar Nirnay book, and the rare Shadipur Dashaar Nirnay book as sacred texts documenting the festival’s significance.
A page from Shadipur Dashaar Nirnay book
Nirnay Sindu Book, 1901 that makes a mention of Dashaar Festival of Kashmir.
Looking Forward
The exact date of the next Dashaar festival will be determined by astrologers and experts, but it cannot be before June 2026, adhering to the minimum ten-year gap required the celestial combinations to align once more.
(The author is a writer, author, and content creator who has been involved in both print and electronic media for over 35 years)
In a remarkable revelation by Kashmir Rechords, a hidden chapter of Kashmiri Pandit excellence has come to light, showcasing their significant contributions to the banking sector in the early 20th century. Despite facing numerous displacements from their homeland, Kashmiri Pandits have consistently demonstrated their prowess across various fields, including art, culture, history, spirituality, bureaucracy, politics, and administration. This latest discovery underscores their foresight and innovation in banking, a domain where their achievements had remained largely undocumented until now.
A Visionary Banker: Pt. Iqbal Krishan Gurtu
In 1900, a Kashmiri Pandit named Iqbal Krishan Gurtu, B.A, established Kashmiri Bank Limited at Faizabad, then part of the United Provinces. Registered under the Company Act of India, the bank was a trailblazer in the financial industry, introducing concepts that were ahead of their time. Pt. Gurtu, who served as the bank’s secretary, invested a substantial capital of Rs. One lakh and maintained a reserve fund of Rs. 30,000.
Pioneering Banking Practices across Undivided India
Kashmiri Bank Limited Faizabad quickly expanded its operations, setting up sub-offices and commission branches across undivided India, including in prominent cities such as Allahabad, Bombay, Kanpur, Firozpur, Meerut, Lucknow, Delhi, and Lahore. One of the bank’s pioneering initiatives was its unique system of providing interest on term deposits, a concept very rarely introduced elsewhere in India, let alone in the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, where the concept of banking finds its mention only in the late 1930s.
The Kashmiri Bank Limited Faizabad offered an attractive interest rate of seven percent on term deposits for one to two years, and half of that rate for deposits kept for six months. Interest payments were meticulously calculated to be paid on the second of January and the First of July, against proper receipts. Kashmiri Bank Limited actively advertised these innovative financial services in leading newspapers of that time, demonstrating the Kashmiri Pandit’s far-reaching vision in banking.
Advertisements from the period, now part of the archival material available withKashmir Rechords, reveal that the bank also kept its interest rates on deposit money floating. Customers were provided with free cheque and passbooks, and the bank accepted currency notes of all denominations for deposit. Additionally, loans against immovable property were issued following attestation and recommendations by reputed and trusted individuals.
An advertisement issued by Pandit Iqbal Krishan Gurtu, Secretary, Kashmiri Bank Limited, Faizabad that appeared in leading newspapers of Lucknow and Allahabad in 1903.
A Mysterious End and a Call for More Information
Despite these significant advancements, detailed records of Kashmiri Bank Limited’s operations beyond 1910 are scarce. The Bank’s advertisements and posters, predominantly in Urdu, cease after this period, leaving the subsequent fate of the bank shrouded in mystery. It is surprising that no one has cared to write on this subject or to take research to its logical conclusion all these years.
Kashmir Rechords, which takes pride in this “breaking news” of the past, thus appeals to its esteemed readers to share any further information. The Kashmiri Bank Limited Faizabad is a testament to the ingenuity and entrepreneurial spirit of the Kashmiri Pandits, a legacy that deserves recognition and celebration.
Celebrating a Legacy
This revelation not only highlights the historical contributions of the Kashmiri Pandits in the banking sector but also serves as an inspiration for future generations to acknowledge and build upon their rich heritage.
* Rajesh Bhat, Ph.D. in Mass Communication and Journalism brings over 35 years of experience as a writer, researcher, and academician in journalism, spanning both print and electronic media. He authored “Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace and War” and has worked with prestigious newspapers and publications including Kashmir Times, Daily Excelsior Jammu, and The Tribune, Chandigarh. Currently, he serves as a Faculty Member at the National Academy of Broadcasting and Multimedia, New Delhi.
Kashmir has been a fertile ground for numerous contributions to the world in various fields, including art, literature, medicine, engineering, history, and academia. This land has produced many great individuals who have left their mark not only on the subcontinent but also on the entire world. Among these notable figures is Koka Pandit Kashmiri, also known as Pt. Kokkoka, a prominent sexologist and Prime Minister of Kashmir of yesteryears.
Koka Pandit and His Magnum Opus
Koka Pandit is credited with writing the “Koka Shastra,” also known to some as “Ratirahasya” (Secrets of Love), a seminal work on sex education and psychological issues. This text, written in Sanskrit in the 11th or 12th century, addresses topics that modern science and education are only beginning to incorporate into curriculums.
Sylvan Levi, a renowned French Sanskrit Scholar (1863-1935), acknowledged Koka Pandit Kashmiri as the originator of Koka Shastra, though the exact date of its composition remains uncertain. Koka Shastra is not just a manual on sexual practices but a comprehensive guide that encompasses psychological and sociocultural aspects of sex and relationships. The text provides insights into medieval Indian society’s understanding of human sexuality, gender roles and interpersonal dynamics. This understanding has influenced subsequent works in the field and continues to be relevant in modern discussions about sex education.
Content and Structure of Koka Shastra
Koka Shastra, often considered Kashmir’s equivalent to the “Kama Sutra,” comprises fifteen chapters (pachivedes) and 800 verses. Unlike the Kama Sutra, which reflects ancient Hindu literature, Koka Shastra is tailored to medieval Indian society and its cultural milieu. The text covers various subjects, including:
1.Different physiques and types of genitals
2. Characteristics of Men and Women at different ages
3. Techniques of hugs and kisses
4. Various stages of love, from weight loss to fainting, and ultimately, death
Pt. Koka’s work also classifies both men and women into four psychophysical types based on appearance and physical features. He explores erogenous zones and days conducive to sexual arousal for both men and women.
Scholarly Acknowledgment and Influence
W. G. Archer, a British civil servant and art historian, noted that Kokkoka’s work focuses on maximizing sexual enjoyment and maintaining a woman’s happiness. Pt. Koka Ram drew from numerous sources, including Nandikeshvara, Gonikaputra, and Vatsyayana, to compile his treatise.
The various translations of Koka Shastra have included illustrations that help convey its teachings visually. These adaptations made the text more accessible and engaging, which is a strategy still used in modern educational materials. The use of artwork in Persian, Urdu and Hindi versions, for example, reflects an understanding of the importance of visual aids in enhancing comprehension and retention of information.
Translations and Global Reach
Over the past 300 years, Koka Shastra has been translated into several languages, including Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Hindi, and Turkish. Notable translations include:
1. “Lazzat Un Nisa“ in Persian, attributed to Ziya Nakhshabi, 18th Century
2. “The Koka Shastra” by Alex Comfort in English (1964)
3. “Koka Shastra (Rati Rahasya)” translated by S. C. Upadhyaya
4 “Asli Kok Shastra’’ (Hindi) by Acharaya Gautam, (1889)
5.``Maha Kok Shastra’’ (Urdu) by Pandit Pyare Lal Sharma (1905)
6.“Kok Shastra’’ (Urdu), J S Sant Singh and Sons.
These translations often incorporated illustrations and commentaries, enhancing the text’s accessibility and appeal. Persian scholar Ziya Nakhshabī added watercolours and gilt typical of 18th-century Mughal art in his version. The first Hindi translation is believed to have been undertaken in the early 17th century, from which later Hindi, Persian, and Urdu versions derived.
Continued Legacy and Research
In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Urdu versions of Koka Shastra were produced for the Urdu-speaking population of undivided India. These versions often included elaborate historical accounts of Koka Shastra and its significance. Many carried hand-made pictures also and gave a full credit to Pt Koka Ram while addressing him as former Prime Minister of Kashmir.
Invitation for Further Contributions
Many concepts from Koka Shastra have found their way into modern literature on sex and relationships. The detailed exploration of different types of physical and emotional interactions provides a foundation that contemporary writers and educators build upon. By recognizing the historical context and contributions of texts like Koka Shastra, modern sex education can draw on a rich tradition of knowledge and integrate it with contemporary scientific understanding.
Kashmir Rechordsintends to further explore to provide an overview of the life and work of Pt. Koka Ram Kashmiri, his motivation and the context in which he had to write Koka Shastra. Since on a home turf, no work has been undertaken on this former Prime Minister of Kashmir, this write-up is thus open to further opinions, additions, and alterations, inviting readers to contribute to the ongoing exploration of this significant historical text.
By continuing to study and appreciate the contributions of historical figures like Pt. Koka Pandit Kashmiri, we can enrich our understanding of human sexuality and improve educational practices for future generations.
Drop your Comments in the Comment Box at the end of this article or write to us at kashmirrechords@gmail.com or support@kashmir-rechords.com
The Erstwhile Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir had the unique distinction of having its own currency notes printed and circulated in 1877 AD during the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh.
The State used to issue these notes through its Treasury in 1877 (Samvat 1934). These notes were being issued mainly for the payment to the State Treasuries of Land Revenue and other Government dues. The denominations ranged from a rupee to 1,000 rupees.
These notes used to bear the signatures of many Competent Authorities. In some notes, one finds the name of Diwan Kirpa Ram as the chief signatory, while in a Twenty Rupee note, on its right corner, there is a mention of Mahesh Chander Vishvas in Nagari script.
A Twenty Rupee Currency Note of Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, printed in 1877. Pic Courtesy: Rezwan Razack, Bangalore, India
Shrikar and Sun Emblem
All these currency notes of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir depicted the Sun as an Emblem with the word ‘Shrikar’ written in bold Nagari letters beneath it in the Centre. Once issued, the notes were then stamped with a seal impression below ‘Shrikar’. This Persian seal reads ``Muhre Shrikar Qilimrau Jammun’’, meaning the “Land Revenue Seal of the Dominion of Jammu,” with the date 1934 (Samvat) and the month in the oblong tables on its two sides.
The Notes used to carry six circles— three circles each on the left and right sides in vertical lines. These three circles carried the numeral value in Nastalique, Nagari and Dogri scripts. Beneath the bold word Shrikar’ in Nagari, there is twice a mention of Jammu Kashmir and the date of printing these currency notes in Urdu. However, most of the notes carry the Urdu dateline of “Mah Vaisakh, Samvat 1932’’. All these panels and circles were colored in pale gold and the rest in black.
Printing of Notes in Jammu
Such was the technology available in the State that these Currency Notes were printed in the State itself at Vidyavilas Press, Jammu. The interesting part is that the Dogri inscription is found side by side along with Urdu and Hindi. Also, these currency notes were printed on a Watermark Paper with the words `LESCHALLAS’. The Watermark paper used to be provided by Wiggins Teape Paper Company formed in 1761 in London.
A Ten Rupee Note. Pic Courtesy: Rezwan Razack.
Dimension of Notes
All notes measured roughly 160 mm. x 230 mm with some variation due to the uneven paper cutting. However, the print of the note on the hand-made paper for all denominations was 131 mm x 205 mm.
These currency notes of Jammu and Kashmir ceased to exist after 1947 when the Princely State acceded to the Union of India.
Continuing the tradition of according glory to Persian, the court language of the Mughals in the Indian subcontinent, Kashmiri Pandits have produced marvelous literature in this language, demonstrating their ability to add significance to anything close to their hearts. While Sanskrit was the language traditionally associated with this community, they had no qualms in accepting Persian, showcasing their mastery of this language and further demonstrating their capabilities as writers, poets, and historians. Their adeptness in learning the Persian language resulted in the creation of marvelous “Masnavis” in the tradition of classical Persian poets. Indeed, besides their grand works of literature, works by Kashmiri Pandits are also important sources of history and reflect the thought process of the times they lived in. Through their writings, they provide invaluable insights into the socio-cultural, political and intellectual landscape of their era. Their historical accounts, philosophical treatises, and reflections on society offer a window into the past, helping us understand the events, ideas, and values that shaped the world around them thereby making the works as indispensable sources for historians, researchers, and anyone interested in exploring the complexities of human experience.
Depiction of Sati incident in Kashmir
We are indebted to Rafi Ahmad Masoodi, Educationist, Academician and History Enthusiast who has prompted us at Kashmir Rechords to present a blog for our esteemed readers about the importance of a very valuable Masvani poem titled “Sati Namah” by Pandit Birbal Kachru (1795-1865) born to Daya Ram Kachroo “Khushdil” of Kralyar Rainawari, Srinagar. Essentially part of a historical document titled “Majmu-al Tawareekh. (Collection of Histories), “Sati Namah,” with its depiction of an actual incident in Kashmir during the 1831 period, which the poet blended with his own imagination offers valuable insights into the cultural and historical fabric of the region. Mufti Mudasir, a brilliant and erudite scholar of both English and Persian from Kashmir has translated this Persian Masnavi into English. This aesthetically brilliant and enriched poem found place in the peer-reviewed journal of English literature and Language published by University of Kashmir Srinagar (P-177, ISSN 0975-6574, Vol. 29, Dec.2022).
Alternatively Pt Birbal Kachroo’s pen name was “Vaarastah” (Related or connected to). It adds an intriguing layer of meaning to his identity as a writer connected to his community and heritage. It’s indeed a commendable endeavor to present this important Masnavi as part of Kashmir’s glorious history, and it is hoped that the same will be appreciated by many who are interested in the cultural and literary heritage of the region.
Here we have included some of the pages of the brilliant translation of Pt Birbal Kachrus’s “Sati Namah” by Mufti Mudasir.
* Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo, an accredited translator of Kashmiri, Urdu and Hindi by Sahitya Akademi New Delhi and Indian Institute of Languages Mysore, has remained associated with the institution of All India Radio (AIR) where he worked as Senior most Producer. His books of Translation include “Samay Matrika” , the translation of 10th century Sanskrit classic of the same name by Acharya Ksemendra of Kashmir, Sahitya Akademi New Delhi’s “Hum Kaal Sindhi Afsana Sombran” a Kashmiri translation of Hindi scripted “Samkaleen Hindi Kathayen”, and under publication “Navi Yogikie Vaaeris Dar” a Kashmiri translation of English scripted collection of Punjabi short stories of renowned Punjabi short story writer Mohinder Singh Sarna, Indian Institute of Languages publication “Hindustaenie Falsafekie Khad-o-Khal”, the Kashmiri translation of “Outlines of Indian Philosophy” by world renowned Professor M.Hiriyanna besides a monograph on veteran and doyen of Kashmiri poetry, Makhan Lal Kanwal, (a Sahitya Academy Publication, Delhi)
The genre of Leela poetry in Kashmiri literature is said to have evolved from “Vachun’’ and we notice a boost in this experimentation since late 1750s onwards. It, however, reached its zenith during Krishan Joo Razdan’s time though he explored the `Saguna’’ tradition of Bhakthi to its full potential. He essentially was a “Nirgunvadi’ in his spiritual practice and discipline. Since he was a “Shavite’’, he composed Leelas mostly in honour of Lord Shiva and his one particular Leela “Bel Tai Madal Vene Gulab Pamosh Daste Poozaye Laage Parm Shivas Shiv Nathas Tai….’’ has not only become a part of folk literature of Kashmir but also of world on account of its aesthetic and devotional sensibility. The golden voice of Ustad Mohammad Abdullah Tibat Bakal imparted to it such ethereal beauty and energy that subsequent musical adaptations of the same pale in comparison to Bakal’s rendition.
Bel Tai Madal in Kashmiri Nastalique
The Evergreen Recording
For our esteemed readers it may be added that Tibat Bakal’s presentation was recorded in the Studios of Radio Kashmir, Srinagar and has attained a cult status among the devotees of Lord Shiva in Kashmir. According to Mr Fayyaz Sheheryar, former Director General, All India Radio,this iconic Leela was composed in early sixties by Mohan Lal Aima under the able supervision of the then Programme Producer of Kashmiri Music, Qaisar Qalander.
Mohan Lal Aima
Qaiser Qalandar
Coinciding with Maha Shivratri which is the premier festival of Kashmiri Pandits, the actual beauty of this festival seems to be wedded to the poetic mystical experience by Pt Krishan Joo Razdan (1850-1926) visible in his work Shiv Lagan. This is said to be an evolved adaptation from Urdu translation of “Shiv Puran’’ by the poet. The elements and symbolism of a typical Kashmiri Pandit marriage in his world famous “ Shiv Lagan Leela’’ have been imbued to the best possible outcome. An earlier generation of Kashmiri Pandit women, both young and old, would sing these Leelas and the debvotional tradition would pass on to subsequent generations. However, with the migration, it has come to a sudden halt.
Nevertheless, Tibat Bakal’s rendition of great poet’s “ Bel Tai Madal Vene Gulab Pamosh Daste Poozaye Laage Parm Shivas Shiv Nathas Tai…. still captures the attention and the interest of the young generation . Mr Sheheryar added that Tibat Bakal imbued this Leela with his own devotional element for Lord Shiva and legend has it that Ustad Tibat Bakal would visit the world famous shrine of Mata Kheer Bhawani at Tulmulla to witness the changing colours of the holy spring and seek blessings.
Mohd Abdullah Tibat Bakal ( Left) and Mohan Lal Aima
This Leela with the wonders of ever evolving technology is awaiting further repackaging so as to make it more popular among the youth. However, the original rhythm and the style is not going anywhere.
( Kashmir Rechords Exclusive in connection with International Mother Language Day)
Even as Dogri was included in the Eighth Schedule on December 23, 2003 after a lot of struggle, the fact is that Dogri language and script had been in use as a literary vehicle since the later mediaeval centuries.
The territories presently occupied by the Dogras and their akin people who were passionate about their art, culture and language, have been inhabited by people at least from the early centuries of the Christian era. They left behind traces of art and architecture in stone and stucco and in sculptured material scattered all over the hills from Kangra to the Jehlum. Some of the stone pieces belonging to middle ages, and to much earlier centuries in the case of Chamba, bear inscriptions in Sanskrit, Sharda, conch-shell, and Takari scripts which reveal the prevalence of some literary activity in the Dogra hills much before the Muslim inroads.
Amir Khusrau, a fifteenth century poet-scholar mentions the language of the Dugar in the list of dialects spoken in Northern India. That Dogri in Takari or Landa script had become a vehicle of literary compositions at least as early as the sixteenth century, is amply borne out by inscriptions on Pahari paintings of that century.
Vehicle of Official, Private Correspondence
In his book “Introduction To The History and Culture of the Dogras’’, Dr Sukhdev Singh Charak, an eminent Scholar and Author mentions that during 17th and 18th centuries, Dogri was in extensive use as a vehicle of official and private correspondence and record. A number of official Pattas and agreements have been found in Takari or Dogri script. For instance, Dr Charak quotes a Patta written out by Mian Bhau Singh, the younger son of Raja Jagat Singh of Nurpur, assigning ‘Purohatai’ to one Ganga Purohit of Haridwar. This reads like this:
As per Dr Charak’s book, Kings of the Dugar used to correspond with each other in Dogri and contracted long agreements and treaties in the same language. A number of such letters and treaties exchanged between the rulers of Jammu, Basohli, Jasrota, Bhadarwa, Nurpur, Chamba and Kangra have been discovered. This clearly proves that Dogri language and script had been in use as a literary vehicle since the later mediaeval centuries. “A large number of folk songs and ballads (bars) have come down to us from the middle centuries. But it is strange that the Dogra people to the East of the Ravi did not show much literary activity, nor did they produce any Dogri literature in the present time’’, Dr Charak laments. He, however, makes a mention of Chamba area where Takari script was reformed to include vowel signs and the Dogri or Chamiali was written in that script during the nineteenth century. Contrary to it, in the Dogra territories to the west of the Ravi, a brisk literary activity was clearly visible. A court poet of Ranjit Dev, named Kavi Dev Datt had left behind some Dogri compositions as well as ballads in Bhasha and some works in Sanskrit. His Bhasha and Sanskrit works included Brijraj Panchasike, Datt Sangrah, Bhupat Viyog, Amrit Viyog and Kamal Nain Satotra. He composed his `Krishna Mahima Stotara’ in the reign of Brijraj Dev.
Another literary luminary of the period of Ranjit Dev’s successors and Raja Gulab Singh was the Sanskrit poet-scholar Ganga Ram. A Dogri folk lyric ‘Kandia Barna is attributed to him. Pandit Kaka Ram Shastri kept the tradition of compositions in Sanskrit and Bhasha alive, all it was taken up by the scholars of Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s reign. Although much of the official work was done in Persian during Gulab Singh’s reign but Dogri continued to be the medium of private correspondence and commercial accounts. Some fresh ballads in Dogri, according to the book, were composed during this period, which were woven around the Dogra heroes like Mian Dido, Wazir Ram Singh, Raja Dhian Singh, Zorawar Singh and others.
Literary works under Maharaja Ranbir Singh
While Nurpur, Chamba and Guler presented a few historical works in vernaculars, like Dalipranjani, the Jammu region saw a lively and rich literary activity under the patronage of Maharaja Ranbir Singh when hundreds of manuscripts in Sanskrit, Persian, Hindi and Arabic were collected and translated into Dogri and other languages for the benefit of all communities. Dogri received particular attention of the monarch. Its script was reformed and books were printed in it both in litho and typographic systems. A large number of books on religion, law, philosophy and technical sciences were written or translated into Dogri. Vernacular journalism also saw its beginning during Ranbir Singh’s reign.
Modern Dogri Literature
Dr Charak says the modern Dogri literature is the product of twentieth century and the advent of the new era may be said to have ushered in with the popular songs of Lala Ramdhan and Pt. Hardatt who composed during the first quarter of the present century. Pt. Hardatt’s songs, inspired by a passion for social reform, were printed and swayed the minds of the young generation with similar sentiments. A number of young poets started composing and writing in Dogri and a fresh stream of Dogri literature gushed forth. Many talented poets like Dinoo Bhai Pant, Parmanand Almast, Raghunath Singh Samyal, Ramnath Shastri, Kishan Smailpuri, Swami Brahma Nand and others enriched Dogri literature by their inspiring writings.
Decade of renaissance for Dogri
According to Dr Charak, the period from 1944 to about 1954 can be called a decade of renaissance for Dogri literature which made the Dogras conscious of their culture and their political rights. At the end of this decade it was finally decided to adopt Devanagari script for Dogri instead of the old Takari script popularised by Maharaja Ranbir Singh.
The Book on Dogras makes a mention of the middle of 1960s when a younger generation of Dogra poets and writers sprang up with new aspirations and fresh modes. Several successful experimentalists wrote superb poetry, infused with ecstatic mysticism and rainbow fancy. Madhukar’s Dola Kun Thappia will ever remain an unrivalled composition from an inspired soul. Similarly, Ved Pal Deep’s “Uss Te hein Banjare Lok” is a composition of high water mark which could be attained by any talented Dogri poet. “His “Ghalibite utterances, his sincerity of diction narration of bitter truths of life blended with highly poetic imagery, will ever project him as the Ghalib of Dogri. He is the soul of ghazal as ghazal is his self’’, says Dr Charak. He also praises Padma Sachdev’s innocent reminiscences of the past which touches every heart, “though she lacks much of poetic technique’’. For Dr Charak, Narsing Dev Jamwal, the poet, artist, novelist, possesses a variegated personality, which presents a rare phenomenon in our hills. Charak’s book, written in 1979, further makes a mention of Bandhu Sharma, Tara Smailpuri, Ved Rahi, Yash Sharma Abrol, and Ram Lal Sharma as outstanding poets. He quotes Dr. Karan Singh’s book Shadow and Sunlight, containing English and Hindi translation and notations of tunes of some famous folk songs of the Dogra region, as a noble experiment in the field.
Young Padma Sachdev in the Studios of Radio Kashmir, Jammu.
In this decade, all goners of modern literature were developed. Dogri theatre was evolved and plays like Namun Garn, Sarpanch and Alhar Goli Bir Sipahi were successfully staged. Fiction writing was also tried successfully in Dogri and it started with the publication of Bhagwat Prasad Sathe’s collection of short stories, entitled Pahala Phull. Short stories and novels have been written by Ved Rahi, Narendra Khajuria, Bandhu Sharma, Madan Mohan Sharma, R. K. Abrol, Om Goswami, Chanchal Sharma and Narsing Dev .Prose writing in various forms have also been cultivated, thereby enriching Dogri literature in various ways. Dogri magazines like Nami Chetna, Sheeraza, Phulwari and Hamara Sahitya appeared from time to time.
The attainments of the Dogras in the field of art are, however, more spectacular. While Dogri literature had not been able to go out of regional popularity, Dogra painting won worldwide approbation. Kashmir Rechords will shortly bring out a detailed write-up on Dogra paintings.
Shankha Lipi, also known as “Conch Script” or “Shell Script”, is a term used by scholars to describe ornate spiral characters that are thought to be Brahmi derivatives. The characters resemble conch shells or Shankhas and are found in inscriptions across north-central India dating back to between the 4th and 8th centuries. Interestingly, Shankha Lipi inscriptions have also been found from Akhnoor and Bhaderwah area of Jammu and Kashmir, establishing that in past also, both these towns were active pilgrimage centres.
These ciphered ornate spiral characters assumed to be Brahmi derivative, have tentatively been assigned a new script family. Apart from Akhnoor and Bhaderwah, Shankha Lipi inscriptions have also been found from Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka. Prominent sites with shell inscriptions include the Mundeshwari Temple in Bihar, the Udayagiri Caves in central India and Mansar in Maharashtra. Shell inscriptions have also been found in Junagarh, Gujarat, and in Java and Borneo, Indonesia.
Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) that is presently promoting and working on a project “Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh Through the Ages’’ under the initiative of the Ministry of Education, is bringing to the fact the age-old cultural ties of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of India. Highlighting findings of Brahmi, Shankha Lipi and other scripts from Jammu and Kashmir, is a part of this great initiative.
Script of Devotion
Historians believe that shell (Shankha) inscriptions were engraved on temple pillars, freestanding columns and rock surfaces, the latter generally at sites with prominent cave shrines. The shell script was never used for long records or discursive texts but mostly for denoting names or auspicious symbols or a combination of both. Shell letters have normally been found of the same size or slightly bigger than Brahmi letters, but in some cases they are gigantic, several metres high, as at the Udayagiri Caves.
The archaeological evidences unearthed at Manda, Akhnoor in 1960s point out that Jammu must have had exposure to the earliest system of writing in the sub-continent. The use Shankha Lipi, found on small round stones at Akhnoor, are now lying in the collection of Dogra Art Museum, Jammu. Shell inscriptions have also been found on stone boulders near Bhadarwah.
According to Dr Lalit Gupta, a noted Scholar and Art critic, “since Shankha Lipi, has been used for names and signatures by the pilgrims as record of their visits to famous pilgrimage centers, this affirms the belief that Ambaran (Akhnoor) and Bhadarwah were active centers of pilgrimage in Jammu between 4th to 7th century CE’’.
Study on Shankha Lipi
The first detailed study of shell inscriptions was undertaken by noted academic Richard Salomon. The script is assumed to be a Brahmi derivative, but Salomon observed that shell script has diverged so far from the normal pattern as to be effectively a new script family. Salomon determined that there are a sufficient number of shell characters to represent the syllables of the Sanskrit language, and tentatively assigned sounds to some of characters. Prof B. N. Mukherjee subsequently proposed a system of decipherment based on a few key inscriptions using the assumptions that the script is an ornamental form of the contemporary Brahmi script through the centuries. Most of the Shankha Lipi inscriptions are from the Gupta period and are names of individuals, akin to ornamental signatures, although some predate the Gupta period.
Jammu’s Brahmi Inscriptions
According to Dr Lalit Gupta, post-Mauryan Brahmi inscription was first noticed in 1921 by R.C.Kak, the then Prime Minister of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir and an archaeologist of repute. Dated between 3rd to 5th centuries CE by R.C. Kak, the Bathastal inscription is one of the oldest Brahami inscriptions in Jammu region.
Dr Gupta, in one of his write-ups, quotes epigraphist B.K.Kaul Dembi having placed and compared Bathastal cave inscription with coins of Indo-Bactrian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon, Rock inscription of Khanihara, near Dharamshala in Himachal Pradesh and Inscription of Kshatrapa King Sodasa, all belonging to Post-Mauryan Group of 184 BCE to the beginning of Christian era.
Second important inscription in Jammu region is the Bhadarwah Cave Inscription, inscribed inside a cave shrine (called as Gupt Ganga) on the bank of river Neru near Bhadarwah town. According to Dembi, it is perhaps the longest Brahmi inscription in the region and the second oldest Brahmi inscription from the Himalayan Valleys of Chenab region. Brahmi inscription has also been found inscribed on an iron trident at Sudhamahadev Shiva temple.
A piece of tragic history lies buried under picturesque area of Kulgam, Kashmir district’s snow covered Houen Heng (Dog’s Horn) peak, 4200 meters above sea level. Fifty-eight years ago, this day on February 7, 1966, a Fokker F 27 Indian Airline aircraft veered 12 miles off its course, crashing straight into the mountain, claiming all 37 people on board. The flight included a number of top officers of the then Jammu and Kashmir Government!
Houen Heng ( Dog’s Horn) Peak
This Fokker F-27, Series 200, aircraft, PH-SAB, owned by the Schreiner Airways of Holland and operated by the Indian Airlines Corporation on a charter contract had met with a fatal accident shortly before noon on February 7, 1966. The aircraft was on a scheduled flight from Srinagar to Delhi with intermediate stops at Jammu and Amritsar. Soon after taking off from Srinagar for Jammu, it had crashed on a hilltop Houen Heng, killing all the four members of the crew and all 33 passengers on board. The aircraft was completely destroyed.
Fokker F-27 aircraft, PH-SAB, owned by the Schreiner Airways
Probable Plane Crash Cause
According to the Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archives, the cause of the accident was a navigational error. Capt. Duggal, who was flying the airplane, wanted to take a short cut over the hill. While flying through clouds at an altitude insufficient to ensure safety, Capt Duggal had found himself at a spot, which resembled in its appearance the Banihal Pass. Changes in cloud formation and decreasing visibility had not permitted him a full and clear view of the mountain range, which lay across the route. Thus when he was near the point where it crashed, he thought that he was going to cross Banihal and even sent this message to the airport, unknowing the fact that at that point, he was 12 miles off his track and crashed at a point 12,364 ft above sea level. The enquiry had held Capt Duggal responsible for the haste with an observation that “ a more careful and cautious pilot would, in the circumstances, have made sure of his direction and position by a reference to the Srinagar Airport where, in addition to the VOR, an Automatic Direction Finding facility was available’’.
Erroneous navigation had taken the Captain to a point 12 miles west of his normal route. At this spot, the configuration of the mountain range had a deceptive similarity with the Banihal Pass, and because of this similarity, he hit the mountains of “False Banihal”, which are several thousand feet higher than the true Banihal. The pilot, as per the enquiry report, must have realized his error and his wrong position too late when he saw the high mountain in front of him while emerging from the clouds. He must have even attempted to climb but the aircraft hit the hill about 300 ft below the summit, breaking it into two main pieces which fell on either side of a big rock, while several smaller pieces were broken off and scattered over a considerable area on the hillside.
Houen Heng Peak
A picturesque Houen Heng Valley
The mountaineer’s greatest joy is in climbing mountains. In Pir Panjal range, there are many small and big mountain peaks on it. These include Bramshakri (4500m), Sondir Top (3700m) and infamous Houen Heng (4200m). Since this tragedy, Houen Heng, literally meaning, ‘dog’s horn’ has become a part of Kashmir folklore. People recount a civil society campaign to recover the corpses from their snowy graves, led by a local businessman who had lost his son in the crash. Time stands frozen at the picturesque Houen Heng valley as the plane debris beckon visitors to hear their tale.
Interestingly, Houen Heng is neither the highest peak of district Kulgam nor the Pir Panjal. There are many trekking routes from several places that lead to Houen Heng. The hikers of the Jammu division climb this mountain either from Mohu valley or Gulab Garh. The mountain slope from the valley side is very steep. Other than professional mountaineers, very few can venture to trek on it from the front side.
February 6, 2024 marks the second death anniversary of legendary singer Lata Mangeshkar, who had a musical connection with the erstwhile State of Jammu-Kashmir, for having rendered her melodious voice to several immortal Dogri songs.
Her one of the eternal Dogri songs “Bhalla Sipahiya Dograiya…Rasliyan Rasliyan Dhara…Tera Bada Manda Lagda” dedicated to the Sipahis (soldiers) of Dogra regiment, is in fact played regularly in the barracks of Dogra regiment, considering the fact that the song depicts pain of a woman who is staying away from her Dogra soldier and requesting him to come back home located in the mountains.
A view of old Jammu City and Raghunath Temple Complex
Though over the years, many singers from Jammu and Himachal Pradesh have sung this song in their own way but it was the one sung by Legendary Lata Mangeshkar that still is the most liked and listened for its music and melodious voice, thanks to Padma Sachdev, the poet, who persuaded Lata to sing these songs and thus took Dogri language to great heights.
It is not that Lata Mangeshkar has sung only this song, she has tried with perfection other Dogri songs like “Tu Mallan Tu” that established her immortal connection with the Dogras and Dogri culture.
Apart from Dogri, Lata Mangeshkar has recorded songs in over thirty Indian languages and dialects and a few foreign languages, though primarily in Hindi, Bengali and Marathi.
Lata’s Visit to Jammu
Lata Mangeshkar being interviewed by Rajinder Gupta at Jammu in 1976.
There is a little mention of Lata Mangeshkar’s visit(s) to Jammu and Kashmir. However, records available with Kashmir Rechords trace her one such visit to the City of Temples in January 1976.Radio Kashmir Jammu’s Senior Announcer, Rajinder Gupta had interviewed her—- not for her singing abilities but recording her message on “Bees Nikati Iktisaadi Programme’’ (Twenty Point Programme) launched by the Government of India in 1975. In this interview, Lata Mangeshkar had termed the 20-Point Programme as a bone for the masses as it renewed the Nation’s commitment to eradicate poverty, raising productivity, reducing income inequalities and removing social and economic disparities.
This interview was broadcast on 31 January 1976 at 8.15 pm over Radio Kashmir Jammu, now rechristened as Akashvani Jammu.
Radio Kashmir Jammu’s former Senior Programme Producer, Ravi Magotra, who vividly remembers broadcast of this interview, told Kashmir Rechords that Mr Rajinder Gupta was one such announcer who was associated with Radio Jammu since its inception in 1947. Gupta had later established Urdu Newspaper Shiv Jyoti, published from Jammu.
Kashmir Rechords in its previous five blogs had mentioned Englishman Mr. Winter Bedim’s visit to Jammu and Kashmir in 1847 recorded in the form of daily entries called ‘Roznamcha’ by one Pandit Kanhaya Lal Aashiq Dehalvi and later published in the form of the book under the title Sair-e-Kashmir. In the sixth and final part of the travelogue, we will begin with the visit of Mr. Bedim and party from Srinagar towards Baramulla and onwards with interesting anecdotes and experiences so far unknown to us. Here we begin with the last part of “Sair-e-Kashmir’’ :
On 31st May, 1947, a boat ride again towards the downward course of Jehlum or Vitasta took us to Sumbal which appeared to be about nine kos from Kashmir (read Srinagar). A spring with deep and sizeable volume of water known as Manasbal exists at this place and is said to be an ancient one.
On 1st of June, 1847, we left Sumbal for Mattan. ( Read it Pattan). Part of our journey of five kos by us was completed by boat and the remaining one by horse rides. We came across a shrine devoted to a holy man at Balhalas (A place named Palhalan misspelt as Balhalas). Further at a place called Pattan two very ancient temple structures exist. (Sugandesh temple built by king Kalsa of Kashmir) but nobody was able to provide the details regarding the same.
(The author seems to have been confused about Tappereshwar temple, the ruins of which still lie nearer to Sumbal and resemble those of Martand Surya Mandir. Since the architectural style of this archaeological site with walls enclosing a large body of water with a raised platform roughly gives the impression of a temple similar to Martand sun temple the author thus dubs it as Mattan)
Visit to Baba Rishi Shrine, Gulmarag
On 2nd June, 1847, we set up for a visit to the Ziarat (Shrine) of a very famous and pious man of yore Baba Rishi. This Ziarat is at a distance of some six kos from Pattan. Only men are allowed as the entry of women stands prohibited at this shrine. The attendants at this Ziarat do not marry and a majority of them are the ones whom their parents had willed to be placed in the service at this place. The wishes of having their eldest child as male whenever that gets fulfilled, the parents donate them in the service of this shrine by handing them over to the attendants. Sometimes these children remain there as followers.
On third of June 1847 after having made our way over a distance of approximately one kos towards the mountain top from Baba Rishi we reached Gulmarg. This is an area which is famous for diversely coloured and varied flower types . We also came across un melt snow on these tops.
As of now it being summer snow was still there and at places where there was no snow flowers red, yellow, white and dark seemed to be in full bloom. It seems as if they are getting their nourishment under snow. At that very moment as a ‘guz’ (approximately a metre) of thick snow was being cleared, flowers appeared to grow underneath it.
The amazing thing being that large patches of these diverse coloured flowers are seemingly arranged in beds of their own ilk. For example if the flowers happen to be of darker colour, a whole bed would be filled by these flowers only. The same would go for red and other colours. At this place nature appears to be its best gardener. The experience gathered by the writer at this moment was beyond description.
Visit to Baramulla, Uri
On the fourth June, 1847, we traversed a distance of six kos to reach Baramulla. This is a big town where one can find eatables in abundance. The Deputy Kardar, Mathura Das got sick and thus we were assigned to the care of Kardar Gaddamal. At this place a large bridge has been erected over the river Vitasta which blends perfectly in these wonderful environs. It was suggested that we move to Shankergarh and return via Nowshehra Baramulla as the travel on both these routes will be full of rewarding experience and the visit to the Uri bridge will also be interesting and therefore necessary. Since it was not possible to cross the bridge it was doubly suggested that the accompanying party of attendants would travel to Nowshehra first where it would be waiting for us near Uri bridge. In the meantime after having paid the necessary fare we would be meeting them on the other side of the bridge. The Kardar committed himself to this arrangement of transporting us along with our goods and necessary items.
On 5th of June, 1847 we began our travel to Uri via Yaboo. After having covered a distance of five kos, the journey ended at Shakargarh where we also camped. On the way at a place called Peerni one kos from Uri Sultan Zabardast Khan along with some gifts came to see the Sahab. The place is beset in lovely lush green environs with recurring cascades as well as rivulets .
On sixth June, the journey commenced forward to a place near the Uri bridge. It was difficult to fathom how the bridge would be crossed, but when mazdoors crossed the same deftly along with the baggage on their backs we promptly gathered necessary courage. When every one of them reached the other end only then did I and Sahab (Mr Bedim) venture to cross. At first I had thought of crossing the bridge with my shoes on but after a few steps as my feet gave me trouble I was compelled to hand them over to an accompanying boatman and I with a great difficulty finally began crossing the bridge again. As soon as we reached the middle of this bridge it seemed that its ropes will yield and we will be hurtled down into the fast flowing river underneath. The whole rope structure the moment we set foot on it would dangle so precariously that it would send a shiver down our spine and make us tremble. The experienced fishermen however emboldened us to continue and assured that they are at our disposal should any untoward incident happen. This somehow strengthened our resolve and then with great caution and trepidation we finally did cross the bridge. Now let me make a mention about the bridge.
Ropeway Bridge
The layout of the ropeway bridge has been set out in a manner that its lower portion has been built with some very strong tree bark and so are the supporting ropeways. These both act as horizontal and vertical arms and support structures. Wooden planks have been set for walking at their base. One has to move forward by treading on every such plank. The portion at the lower end of this ropeway structure is very filthy and the side arms somewhat thicker. One has to move forward by holding the side arms by both hands while putting ones best foot forward on the lower connected planks. The ropeway being nearly seventy guz long, the structure dangles at each step giving rise to a tremendous sense of fear. The river which lays some twenty to twenty five metres below moves with such a ferocious speed, its waters roar and splash against its banks higher and higher only to missile many metres into the air appearing to stand as tall as a mountain.
As one’s gaze catches the flow of water below one is paralysed by the thought that the ropeway may yield at any moment. Finally this treacherous ropeway was somehow crossed by us. We were greeted by the attendants along with our advance baggage at the other end. Thereafter we continued our journey by boarding the same carriages that were already arranged for on the designated route towards Uri. At Uri, Raja Nawab Khan came to see Sahab. Some moments in this playful conversation were enjoyed by both.
On the morning of seventh June, 1847, elder brother of Raja Nawab Khan Ataullah Khan came to see Sahab. After exchange of necessary pleasantries and gifts etc. Mutual conversations took place in an atmosphere of camaraderie. After breakfast we left Uri for Baramulla and arrived at Naubahar at a distance of six kos. Some ancient stone structures caught our eye at two or three places along the way. At Naubahar, Raham Dil Khan Kochak, brother of Raja of Naubahar came to see us and disclosed that his elder brother Raja Naubahar being indisposed could not come to see us. The way forward from this place is hilly and the roads are bad.
On eighth of June we journeyed towards Baramulla. At a distance of half a kos we came across some ancient structures attributed to Pandav era. Sahab ( Mr Bedim) drew a drawing of these. The way forward being mountainous there was nothing worth mentioning. These buildings though very old stand tall to this day nevertheless they seem to have yielded at one or two places.
At a place some fifteen kos towards north west of Baramulla known as Sogam it appears that the earth has been set on fire. Sahab decided to inspect this place also.
Visit to Handwara
On ninth June, 1847, we continued our stay at Baramulla and since nothing worthwhile did happen the same did not merit worth entry in the diary. However, I did go out to tour the bazaars and found the shops well stocked with food and other items. Some shortage of grain was however noticed. On tenth of June, 1847, we left Baramulla for a place called Handwara which is at a distance of nine kos from here. The Sun got very hot at a village “Mound” some five kos on the way. Thus we made a brief halt. Towards the afternoon we commenced our journey and arrived at Handwara in the evening. Kardar Radha Krishan was nowhere to be seen; however his attendant did come and explained the former’s absence on account of being busy in connection with the distribution of grains to public.
Visit to Bhadarkali Shrine
On eleventh of June, as we were travelling a distance of some seven Kos, at a place called Nahama we learned that a spring at a distance of further two kos lies at a place called Bhadarkali. We paid a visit to this place. The spring is worth a sight with clean waters bestowed with good digestive power. We spent some moments at this place and as was required and returned to Sogam which stands at a distance of half a kos from this place. The whole earth of this place seems to be scorched though not aflame. Some residents disclosed that some 30 years before the earth here started burning up and since then the same happens after every ten years. Though the same has now stopped, Sahab did inspect this place. The soil does not seem to have been mixed up with any sulphur etc. but some substance does exist which catches fire by coming into contact with air. We nonetheless returned to Bijhama for the night stay. In between Nadir Ali Khan son of Raja Muzaffar Kan came to see us and stayed for the night.
Twelfth June, 1847 was the day for our visit to Pachkote. For this we had to travel a distance of seven kos. As nothing worthwhile came up that could have found its way in the diary nothing was entered. Here some soldiers from Maharaja Gulab Singh’s army are stationed and they do issue warnings against any transgression of law. But they certainly are not able to effectively deal with this. The way to the fort at “Karnah” which stands atop the hill is very steep. A small company of soldiers at Karnah is stationed but the writ of Maharajas soldiers does not run here. This road leads up to Pachkot only. Even though the area is mountainous but it is not insurmountable. The population is lesser and so is the supply of provisions.
On thirteenth of June after travelling some four kos we reached Meelyal. Here we left our stuff and we moved some one and a half kos up to visit “Sotsar” springs. The water is crystal clean and actually sprouts from four independent springs lying side by side. One could, however, gather no information regarding the historicity of this place but nevertheless it definitely turned out to be an interesting place. The residents of Karnah stated that the local king is a nominal one without powers but he does operate from the fort and collects revenue for the Maharaja.. Strangely due to some unknown reasons the Maharaja invaded him. He does command the affiliation of some two thousand soldiers and if need be twenty thousand more soldiers can be called up for service by him. The place is treacherous and no arms are also available. The local king thus stands nowhere in comparison to Maharaja Gulab Singh but he is capable of protecting and defending his honour. The matters of revenue are resolved by splitting the same in equal halves. The land owning class pays half portion of the revenue accruing out of agricultural produce in addition to some money which additionally gets exchanged.
We stayed put at Meelyal on the fourteenth of June 1847 and after finishing the breakfast we went to see a fairly high mountain known as “Koh Darawah” at a distance of four kos. A road with the same name runs through this mountain. Here we roamed to our heart’s fill and enjoyed the vast green spaces with abundant green trees. A strange sight unfolded in front of our eyes. From a distance we witnessed a creature which looked exactly like a golden animal. Its feather like hair was resplendent with luminous golden colours and the rays of sum seemed to emanate and reflect from it. I tried my best to capture it but could not lay my hands on it as it hid in the bushes. Additionally a flower of the size of a human palm existing in extremely right proportions exuding a strong perfume was also witnessed by us.
The beauty of the moment lay in the fact that the whole tract resembles a bouquet of colourful flowers which includes white ones and they all seem to revolve in spirals. Beholding of such a sight wherein every flower is arranged in a very huge bouquet is indeed a divine experience. To cut a long story short the evening here was spent in witnessing this strange and fulfilling spectacle of colours. We naturally drifted into a blissful sleep throught the night.
Visit to Kupwara
We left Meelyal on the fifteenth of June and advancing over a distance of seven kos reached Kupwara in the evening. We stopped at a place called Chitrang in Trehgam where a spring filled with life giving powers was seen in its full glory. Here silk is also produced with the help of its waters and the standard rate for a seer of silk works out to be eight rupees and is slightly less than a kilogram. The silk worms feed voraciously on mulberry leaves, branches and leaves of which are spread out in a field and in a matter of fifteen days only these silkworms achieve an exponential growth. It is here the silk worms set themselves up for humans to produce silk from them. The raw silk develops in the pupa and is later woven as a coil or a pleat bundle. As soon as the weather favouring its development comes to an end the pupae are boiled in hot water and later dried. This is what is known as “Abrasium”. The same afterwards is woven as the silk thread. We left Kupwara on the sixteenth of June and proceeded towards “Lolab” an all pervading mountainous region. And since nothing worthwhile came up nothing could be recorded in the diary.
Zain Lank in Wular lake
On the seventeenth of June 1947 after having left in the morning an uphill distance of about four kos was climbed. The remaining three kos were completed on foot on a highly dilapidated road which took us to Alsoo. (Read Aloosa). We boarded a boat on the next day I.e. the eighteenth June 1847 and left towards a spring in the midst of a large lake known as “Wular” Lake. For the luggage and accessories to reach “Bandipore” we directed the syce to load and proceed from a place called “ Bonakote “ the distance of which from Aloosa is approximately seven kos. In the meantime while taking a joy ride in the Wular Lake we came across an ancient structure in the midst of this lake. This is known as “Lank” (Zain Lank). Following is inscribed on it:-
To be present in the moment in a place like this which is like a mini island like patch in the midst of waters all around it, the depth of which cannot be fathomed and where the view of its banks eludes the eye is an amazing experience. It is said that as many as three hundred sixty villages exist in horizontal as well as vertical plane on its banks. From here we proceeded to Bandipora and after resting for a while we continued on horses to reach Bonakote. Our resolve to proceed further to “Gilgit” and “Gurez” areas got firm. But since rations on this long route are not forthcoming it was decided to arrange the stocking of provisions for about fifteen to sixteen days. Again as nothing of the sort could be found in a village like this, the onus of providing the same fell on Maharaja Gulab Singh’s Kardars who agreed to arrange them .
On account of being indisposed on the nineteenth of June, we preferred to stay at Banakote. Maharaja Gulab Singh’s Kardar Gurudat Singh appeared with rations worth four days for our onward journey and informed that these rations will suffice till Gurez, wherefrom further essentials worth ten days can be acquired for the trip to Jasora. “The rations for onward movement to Gilgit can be picked from Jasora itself.” He said.
The high official from Jasora, Ghulam Wazir accompanied by the Wazir of Gilgit both paid a visit. They were under obligation of presenting certain gifts along with horses to Maharaja at Kashmir (Srinagar). When we tried to enquire about our onward journey they told us that the whole extension to Gilgit from this place onwards is barren and unpopulated. Nothing grows here. Neither the firewood nor any water is available. Water is made by melting ice. Only three villages are known to exist even when Jasore is supposed to include fourteen hamlets of these villages. Similarly the area from Jasore to Gilgit is also spread over three to four huddles of villages which is to say that human habitations are seen at six or seven places only along this route and the population is very scant. It inter alia also suggests that there is no way to acquire any provisions on this long route. Wafadar Gurezwala met us on this occasion. This elderly person used to be a landlord of some area in Gurez but during the time of General Myan Singh he lost his suzerainty.
After leaving Bonakote and crossing an uphill distance of seven kos we reached “Pochi Baaz” in the evening. Nothing but mountains caught up our view. A stream however did run all along. Therefore considering it to be an ideal place to take rest we decided to camp here for the night. There was snow also. No tree or firewood was available. We did try to move into a nearby cliff to get some of it but the same was so dank that it hardly caught fire. I may mention a very interesting incident that took place here. Since the flow of water had been full some moments before and as soon as we finished our meals we required cleaning and washing our crockery, suddenly the stream had run dry. As there was no option we slept in such helpless state. And when morning broke we again noticed the stream full of water. This indeed was amazing. Eventually it became clear that it is actually the snow that feeds this stream and during the night when it is very cold the water freezes to melt again in the mornings and water flow is released again. The whole place is however very cold and the snowfall continues for over ten months.
On twenty first of June, 1947, we moved a distance of ten kos and managed to reach a place called “Dodkho”. No human habitations exist and as prudent it seemed we camped by the side of a big waterfall. The mountainous path is highly treacherous and lays covered with snow. One therefore is forced to walk on foot.
Visit to Gurez Valley
On 22nd June after continuing our trek over five kos we reached “Dobroo” a village in Gurez valley. This valley is home to some four big and three small villages. The locals go in for some sort of agriculture here. However except for a cereal that goes by the name of “Tronya” and some variety of peas nothing else grows around here. Residents of the area use this Tronya to make their bread and consume it along with peas as mentioned. The mighty river Kishenganga flows with full roar at this place with its sweet and cold waters.
A flyover has been built over this river with an extension of a house where some twelve to thirteen soldiers employed in the service of Maharaja Gulab Singh reside . The way forward is hilly and the first village is “Danpora”. Jasora lies some ten kilometres to its west. Taking into consideration the logistics of our onward movement to Gilgit we decided to acquire our provisions for ten more days. At this moment all soldiers who acted as our guards except me bade farewell to Sahab. The locals here speak a language different from Kashmiri and this place seems to be the last frontier of Kashmir valley.
Trip to Dawar, Gilgit
And now begins the trip to the snowy and mountainous area of Gilgit.
The day of twenty third June, 1847 was spent at Dawar and in anticipation of moving to Gilgit the next day, we bid adieu to everybody. Today Garbha Jamaadaar in the employment of Maharaja Sahab presented himself with eight days of rations and left. Tomorrow as Sahab Bahadur will be visiting Gilgit, others will head towards Kashmir (Srinagar).
On account of the rains on 24th we stayed put at Dawar. In the meantime a letter from Lieutenant Taylor addressed to Sahab was received asking the later to relieve Pandit Kanhaya Lal (myself) for directions to report at Srinagar to complete some pending urgent government work. Sahab Bahadur therefore bade goodbye to me and decided to take the services of only six soldiers (deployed at Gurez fort) to accompany him to Gilgit.
On 25th of June, 1847, I along with other employees gathered for moving to Srinagar and left for Dodkho after travelling five kos and spent the night there. On 26th June after having left Dodkho in the morning we arrived at the mountain top “Drethan” and at once I noticed that the mane of my horse had turned white for no apparent reason. Even though I did not happen to see any snow falling, this amazing scene unfolded before my eyes. Considering that I had put on four coats of clothing including my “Choga” (Cloak) and the covering garment over it plus an earmuff which exposed my eyes only to make me see a very short distance in front, I could not notice any snow. It was however given to understand that it indeed was snowing. We all made a huddle and decided to do things on priority. I suggested to them that during such weather disruptions it is always prudent to stay in a safe house and as soon this is over only then should we move further. The moment this snow freezes it turns into stone thereby ceasing all routes of escape. If the narrow passage linking this area to mainland gets frozen we all are going to perish in these harsh locales. Thus as far as possible we need to make an escape from here since it is always the peaks that receive the highest snow in comparison to the valley areas. Everybody understood and appreciated the suggestion and so we fled from this spot. I left my horse and started running and gave directions to my syce to continue the movement on horse as long as the poor animal is able to take him otherwise he should dump it in the first instance there and thereafter run to save his life. Running like this we somehow managed to cover a distance of three kos. Due to intense cold and the pain we had got it was not possible to continue further. After collecting firewood at this place we stoked some fire and warmed ourselves. Now every one of us had got together as planned and we all proceeded to Pochibaag. Fatigued as we were we still discussed whether it was possible to move ahead or not. At this point I intervened and apprehended that the snowfall during the night may not allow us to escape from this place and we may remain dumped here. As nobody listened to me I told them to get lost whereupon they understood the gravity of the situation and agreed to move during the night and thus we made the much needed return journey of seven kos to Bonakote. Immediately I called for one Malik Sahab and ordered him to clear his Hamam where we could spend the night. We all went hungry as the things and other stuff was not received by us. In spite of this, Malik Sahab proved to be a great host. He at once slaughtered a fat sheep. As no utensils for cooking the same lay with us we pierced a branch into it and began barbecuing it with the only available salt. We all had it to our heart’s fill and very little of it was left. Even though it was semi cooked and without the luxury of spices, it tasted so good that one is not able to forget the taste it left in my mouth till this day.
On 27th June 1847, the moment our stuff arrived in the morning we exchanged the coolies and proceeded towards Bandipora which lay at a distance of three kos from here. We dried our wet stuff here.
On 28th after traversing seven kos by boat over Wullar we returned to Sumbal and spent the night there.
On 29th June, 1847 we again reached to Kashmir (Srinagar) and had a meeting with Lieutenant Taylor Sahab who put me up at Sheikhbaagh. I remained there for about two months to complete my governmental assignments. Thereafter I returned to my Board office s at Lahore.
Mention About Kashmir
Some mention about Kashmir is necessary. Kashmir in olden days was known by the name of Srinagar and only ardent pietists lived here. Except for Pandits nobody resided here. They did not know anything about sumptuous food. They depended upon plant life and survived on greens only. No rancour, jealousy or hatred existed among the population. This was a heavenly place. As one poet has put it.:-
In course of time Afghans and other mountainous people conquered it and afflicted much violence on people and desecrated and destroyed their places of worship and forcefully converted them to Islam. As a result only two communities Pandits and Muslims live here. However, Maharaja Ranjeet Singh lead three expeditions to conquer it, only to succeed the fourth time and ensured that Sikhs can move freely inside the territory of Kashmir, a land which is fertile and endowed with a salubrious climate. Thus Sikhs also began to reside in Kashmir. Further when the country came under Maharaja Gulab Singh every community began to live and thrive here.
The river “Vitasta” also known as “Jehlum” in Punjab flows through the city of Srinagar and accommodates the population on its both banks. The houses have been constructed in such a way that their doors or the rooms directly open or extend over its waters. These are often supported by wooden poles which have been embedded into the walls of polished stones of the walls of these houses. The extensions like these act as sitting rooms. People also bathe in such rooms to keep themselves safe from harsh winters and the impairing wind. Many rivulets and streams have been drawn from this river to every Mohalla and locality and market. Smaller boats known as “Shikaras” continuously roam and ferry people in these waters. A water channel even leads into the Dal Lake. As many as seven bridges have been constructed over this river. They are called “Kadal” in Kashmiri. These are “Hameera Kadal” , “Habba Kadal” ,”Aali Kadal” , “Zaina Kadal” , “Fateh Kadal” , “Nawa Kadal” and “Safa Kadal”. Rows upon rows of shops are seen alongside these bridges especially Zaina Kadal. The population of a full Mohalla is accommodated there. Shopkeepers sell every kind of goods in this bazaar. Every house is seen to grow fruit trees and nowhere in the world do these fruits occur. It is learnt that the grapes of Kabul, pomegranate of Qandhar and the apples of Iran are somewhat superior but the variety of fruit that Kashmir grows has no equal anywhere in the world. This is known as “Glass”. It is such a small, sweet and rounded fruit which is red in colour and its softness is such that one cannot feel its peel. The irony is as soon as the fruit gets detached from the tree it attracts larvae to it. Thus it is in the fitness of things to enjoy this fruit as soon as it is plucked otherwise its freshness may be lost within two hours. The clustered fruit contains a thin cuticle which is not more than the dimension of human hair follicle. In the same sweet and refreshing category of fruits, fall mulberry, grapes, apples and pears. These are extraordinary in their own way. The poor use it to sweeten their food items. These fruits in addition to being very tasty are digestible also. Whenever they are consumed after a full meal one gets a voracious appetite within no time. Additionally fruits like apricots, cherries plum and melon are sweet beyond description. One has to eat them to know their taste. And the extraordinary “Pashmina” of Kashmir has attained prominence like the sun and the same applies to everything in Kashmir. Thus the pen cannot make a mention about its grandeur. It is only seen to be believed.
It appears to me that to continue writing about the same will be a waste of time. A man whatever his taste for drinking if he so desires or whatever the religion he professes, he will achieve any goal he intends to set for himself. The solitude peculiar to this place is not found anywhere. The man who is driven to worldly pleasures will find that there is no better place for him to enjoy and if one happens to be poor one can carry on nicely with his life on a small budget. The extraordinary thing about this place is that one can fill one’s tummy with bread and meat on a meagre sum of one and a half rupees. If one intends to sustain oneself on fruits only one can do so without paying a penny. The writer has heard from English travellers that such a place does not exist even in England. The country of Britain thus stands nowhere in comparison to Kashmir.
Now I come to the end of it and hope my esteemed readers of these pages will always pray for my welfare and should they come across any inaccuracies and inconsistencies in them, they may kindly pardon me for the same. These pages have been penned down for travel enthusiasts only and not with the intention to demonstrate any writing capability or competence.
(CONCLUDED)
*N.B: The earlier five episodes of the travelogue can be assessed at:
In the previous five blogs, Kashmir Rechords carried the information about Englishman ( Mr. Bedim’s) 1847 travel to Kashmir via Jammu dated 9th December, to be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu/ and next Englishman’s 1847 travel to Kashmir via Jammu, Rajouri, published on 12th December 2023, to be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu-rajouri/. Part third of this travelogue inside Kashmir valley was published on 30th December 2023 to be accessed at https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu. Part fourth of the travelogue was published on January 14, 2024 to be accessed here at https//Kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu. Part V of the travelogue :“Englishman’s 1847 visit to Mattan, Anantnag, Srinagar” can be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-visit-to-mattan-anantnag-srinagar/ “Sair-e- Kashmir 1278 AH” is written on the cover of the Book having 41 (forty-one) pages. The travelogue is between the periods of April 1847 to June 1847.
**Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo, an accredited translator of Kashmiri, Urdu and Hindi by Sahitya Akademi New Delhi and Indian Institute of Languages Mysore, is associated with the institution of All India Radio (AIR) where he worked as Senior most Producer. During his career of more than thirty years in AIR, (including Radio Kashmir Srinagar and Radio Kashmir, Jammu), he has produced hundreds of programmes covering a wide range of topics and interests that range from ‘Features’, ‘Dramas’ , ‘Literary Magazines’ , ‘Current Affairs’ and overseen Music recordings. He also has the professional expertise of anchoring Live shows and News.His books of Translation include:1. “Samay Matrika” … Translation of 10th century Sanskrit classic of the same name by Acharya Ksemendra of Kashmir.2.Sahitya Akademi New Delhi’s “Hum Kaal Sindhi Afsana Sombran” a Kashmiri translation of Hindi scripted ” Samkaleen Hindi Kathayen”, and under publication “Navi Yogikie Vaaeris Dar” a Kashmiri translation of English scripted collection of Punjabi short stories of renowned Punjabi short story writer Mohinder Singh Sarna. 3. Indian Institute of Languages publication “Hindustaenie Falsafekie Khad-o-Khal” …The Kashmiri translation of “Outlines of Indian Philosophy” by world renowned Professor M.Hiriyanna.4.The Writer of the Monograph on veteran and doyen of Kashmiri poetry, Makhan Lal Kanwal…. Sahitya Academy Publication, Delhi. Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo is also a short story writer in Kashmiri. In addition, he has presented a number of essays in Kashmiri.
Ever since I took up journalism as my profession in 1982, I had been keenly desirous of paying a visit to Mohand Marg. It did not happen for many years. Eventually, a time came when my dream was realized and on July 2, 2022, I found myself at Wanghat in Kangan area of Kashmir along with a couple of my journalist friends. Wanghat is famous for its historical ruins of Hindu temples and Buddhist viharas. It is a site of archaeological significance. Mohand Marg on the other hand is a place where a Hungarian-born archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein translated the famous Rajtarangani book from Sanskrit to English in the 1930s. Stein had spent many summers at Mohand Marg meadows translating the Rajatarangini.
After covering the distance from Ganderbal to Wanghat in two hours, we met a local contact who was waiting there to receive us. During our discussion about the plan to visit Mohand Marg, the locals were not in favour of our adventure. They said it would be difficult to track 15 km to Mohand Marg, a steep climb with no arrangements for the trekking adventure. In case we made it, the return would take a month. Despite these discouraging signals, I wanted to visit my long-cherished spot.
Visit to Mohand Marg
The local Sarpanch informed us that we were first supposed to reach Anderwan village, the starting point of Mohand Marg. I had heard about Mohand Marg from elders, and later on, I read about its significance. Sir Marc Aurel Stein’s name always made me inquisitive to know why he had chosen this location situated at a height of 11000 feet in the woodland of the Himalayas, to translate Kalhan Pandit’s celebrated history Rajatarangini and add to it footnotes and appendages of unique scholarship.
The British archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein was born on 26 November 1862 in Hungary in a moderate Jewish family. He fell in love with this meadow (Mohand Marg) on his first visit to Kashmir on 8 June 1888, and continued to visit this place till April 1943. Stein spent several summers at Mohan Marg meadows translating the Rajatarangini into English.
After completing his work, Stein erected a memorial at the place to commemorate his achievement. It suffered some damage later. From Mohand Marg, he made four major expeditions to Central Asia in 1900-1901, 1906-1908, 1913-1916, and 1930.
The local Sarpanch who was already briefed by my friends about our mission Mohand Marg, was thus extraordinarily careful to make our adventure a success.
On arriving at Anderwan village on July 3, 2022, we found three horses with their keepers waiting for us. Giving instructions before mounting the horses, the local Sarpanch said we should take Paracetamol tablets and chew onion, otherwise while passing through the woods the fragrance of shrubs could cause dizziness. He had kept eatables like chapatis, vegetables, butter, salted tea, and water bottles with the horse keepers. We started our expedition on horseback at 10 am. Just after completing the two-kilometer trek easily, gradually the uphill journey started on a tortuous route of scattered white stones. Here we were advised by the horse keepers to lean forward to make it easy for the horse to negotiate the narrow curves along the hilly terrain. After covering seven km of uphill terrain in two hours, we reached Jabbad, a small highland where our friends and guides advised us to take some rest and snacks. The young boys accompanying us were college students but doing a part-time job as guides. Before taking snacks, the boys suggested we take Paracetamol tables and onion. I was carrying my medical kit and offered tablets to everyone. However, the boys were reluctant to take the tablets because they were acclimatized to the hilly environment. From Jabbad, the terrain was almost forbidding, but our strength was the company of our boys and our continuous conversation with them. They too were smart to keep our attention away from difficult terrain where horses too get scared while negotiating the narrow treks. Finally, we were thrilled to reach our destination at 12 o’clock, trekking through the lush green meadow of densely lined pine trees. At once, I touched the tri-faced memorial stone with epitaphs in Urdu, English, and Sanskrit on the site of Sir Marc Aurel Stein’s camping ground at Mohand Marg erected in December 2017 by the Kashmir Chapter of INTACH, and the Department of Tourism, Government of Jammu & Kashmir. I felt emotionally sublimated after touching the memorial of a great scholar. I was happy I had at last achieved my decade-old mission of visiting Mohand Marg.
The site is unique in its pristine beauty and solitude, and so close to nature. Our tiredness evaporated in thin air. As we set our feet on the spot we were seeking we felt as if we were on top of the world. I was carrying with me a copy of Rajatarangini, translated by Stein for reference. Here, I found out that he had preferred this location because of its seclusion and the soothing fragrance of pine trees and flowers. The sky was cloudy. We got scared of the rain because there was no shelter anywhere in the vast lush green meadow. However, the clouds disappeared after dropping some raindrops. We were lucky to escape the vagary of nature. The bright sun rays made the meadow more attractive.
Author R. C. Ganjoo at Mohand Marg
Stein’s unfulfilled wish!
Aurel Stein had spent several decades here absorbed in the pristine beauty of nature and in his scholarly exercise. Unfortunately, his last wish remained unfulfilled. He had desired that he should be “cremated” in his beloved Mohand Marg. Stein died of a massive heart attack in Kabul in 1943 at the age of 81. He had never married. He often expressed that the ‘thought of marriage never came to him’. In Aurel Stein’s own words “from the high mountain plateau which my camp once more occupies, almost the whole of Kashmir lies before me, from the ice-capped peaks of the northern range to the long snowy line of the Pir Panjal, a little world of its own, enclosed by mighty mountain ramparts. “
Aurel-Stein-and his group at Mohand Marg-1940.
Pt. Mukund Ram Shastri’s assistance to Stein
In 1899, Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri had assisted Stein in translating Rajatarangini in several ways till his great work was completed. Shastri was asked to give up the teaching job in a Christian missionary, at the request of Aurel Stein. King George V conferred upon him the title of Mahamahopadhyaya in 1912.
Pt. Mukund Ram Shastri
Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri died in 1921, leaving behind his authentic works of scholarship. He was well respected by western scholars. Grierson called him his ‘old friend’. Stein observed, “I shall always be glad to remember him among my friends’”. Dr. Hutzch records, “In him also I hope to have found at once a friend whom I shall never forget. To all those for whom Kashmir is not just a geographical denomination but a repository of learning and ideas, Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri will always be a guiding star.” John Marshall once observed “Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri, about whom I can safely say that there is no Pandit in India of whom I have heard such consistent high praise from all with whom he has come in contact.”
*R. C. Ganjoo is a senior journalist and columnist having more than 40 years experience of covering issues concerning national security, particularly Kashmir. He has worked with several prominent media groups and his articles have been published in many national and international publications. He has co-authored two books– “Operation Khatma’’ and “Farooq of Kashmir’’.
(The views, observations and opinions expressed in above write up are strictly author’s own. Omission if any is regretful and Kashmir Rechords is open to any correction)
(From the Feudal Dogra State through Independent India to the Present-day Naya Bharat)
(By: Dr. S.N. Pandita*)
Introduction
From a State Subject to Permanent Resident and now to a Domicile has been nearly a century-long eventful journey for the natives of Jammu Kashmir and Ladakh as the citizens of India now Bharat. However, given the ethnic cleansing and genocide committed against the minority Pandit community (Hindus) this status now holds very little on ground for the exiled community of the Kashmiri Pandits within the Valley of Kashmir.
Nevertheless, a revisit to the landmark stages of this journey can likely be of some nostalgic interest to the older generation of the exiled KP community in general and for the younger generation, in particular, it is expected to hold some academic and intellectual interest; hence this recall for both the segments of the readers.
(Pic Source: Internet)
Dogra Rule & Outsiders Entering Kashmir
It all began with the advent of the Dogras in Kashmir. Soon after Maharaja Gulab Singh came to the throne of Kashmir in 1846, he appointed Dewan Jawala Shahi, a Khatri from Panjab, as his Prime Minister. With him came a train of Panjabis into the valley. At the time, practically, there were no educated natives who could occupy various positions, both in the higher and lower ranks of administrative machinery in the State, Jawala Shahi inducted many of his qualified Panjabi favourites to occupy such positions.
(Dewan Jawala Shahi who was the Prime Minister of Kashmir in 1846. Picture Courtesy: Punjab Digital Library )
This arrangement continued through Maharaja Gulab Singh’s rule without a murmur even after the Prime Minister was changed.
Following his death in 1857, Maharaja Gulab Singh was succeeded by his son Maharaja Ranbir Singh who continued with this practice with some additional favour to the Bengalis who occupied several key positions particularly in the judiciary of the State until his death in 1885. Next arrived Maharaja Pratap Singh who had both the Panjabis and Bengalis in key positions of his administrative set-up. Such outsiders were commonly called as Gair Mulki. The result was the coming of many outsiders who received extensive land grants, were placed in many positions of trust and authority. Moreover, the commerce was monopolized mostly by the Panjabis and with the waves of Panjabi settlers immigrating into Kashmir the natives found themselves pushed into background, though the process was slow
Awareness, Protest & Agitation
However, the situation changed when two colleges of higher education and learning; the Sri Pratap College in Srinagar in 1905 and the other, the Prince of Wales College, in Jammu, in 1907 were setup that soon turned-out young college educated natives, mostly Kashmiri Pandit (KP) boys in Srinagar and few Dogras from Jammu by sometime about 1912 onwards.
It were these young educated natives of the State who now aspired for employment opportunities in the administrative machinery of Jammu and Kashmir. In a way, the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogra youth joined hands to press the demand for their share in the State’s administration by way of employment in many suitable positions. The agitation was spearheaded mainly by the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogras of Jammu. They were first to take to modern education, long before the Kashmiri Muslims became politically active. The main voices of these demands came from the KPs as they felt deprived of their share in the services. The Kashmiri Muslims were not in the picture at this stage.
In 1922, at the instance of Maharaj Kumar Hari Singh, the then Commander-in-Chief of the State Forces and a Senior Member of the State Council and also next in line to the throne constituted a committee to define the term ‘Hereditary State Subject’ and examine the entire question of naturalization in the State.
The heads of all the departments were directed to prepare a list of Mulkies, naturalized Mulkies and non-State Subjects in the State employment. At the time, a circular was also issued that under the signatures of the Maharaja, Pratap Singh, that prohibited a non-State Subject to acquire land in the State. The circular also put a moratorium on the employment of any non-State Subject in the employment of the State without the express permission of the Maharaja.
However, nothing much came out of this exercise without any confirmed official definition of the State Subject. But this nebulous situation forged a greater alliance between the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogra Sadar Sabha to obligate the Maharaja on defining the term Hereditary State Subject.
In Jammu, the contest came to the fore in the Dogra versus the Panjabi controversy. In Kashmir, the British officers sided with the Kashmiri Pandits against their fight with the outsiders who were mostly Arya Samajis with whom was associated the name of Lala Lajpat Rai. In fact, the Panjabis were an anathema to the British and, hence, their sympathies lay with the Kashmiri Pandits in their just demands.
It was here that Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Shanker Koul, Pandit Jia Lal Koul and Pandit Jia Lal Jalali, all of them fresh from college between the years 1922 and 1924 raised the banner of agitation through outside press for securing the rights of the State Subjects. Pandit Jia Lal Kilam organised public meetings and held conferences both in Jammu and Srinagar under the banner of Dogra Sadar Sabha. This banner of revolt forged some sort of vague nationalism and the educated classes both from Jammu and Kashmir felt a kind of common kinship in this cause.
In 1925, an article appeared in Akhbar-i-Aam published by Pandit Gwash Lal Koul from Lahore highlighting the plight of native Kashmiris under the heading Unemployment in Kashmir. For writing this scathing piece against the Dogra Maharaja, a stern action was taken against Pandit Gwash Lal Koul, he galvanized the voice of educated Kashmiri Pandits to take up the matter further through the Indian Press and pleaded with the educated young Kashmiri Pandit men to carry out a relentless agitation for securing their exclusive employment rights to man the state administration.
State Subject Movement & Institution of the Commission
The State Subject Movement had very distinctive features as it amalgamated both the regions of Jammu and Kashmir on the issue. It was in one of the annual conferences of the Dogra Sadar Sabha held in Srinagar in October 1926 that Pandit Jia Lal Kilam moved a resolution demanding that only those persons be termed as Hereditary State Subjects whose ancestors had been residing in the state since the time of Maharaja Gulab Singh and be given preference in employment over those who were merely residing in the State from its formation in 1846.
This paved way to demand the constitution of a committee which was urged to define the term State Subject in the finality and as early as possible. Maharaja Hari Singh appointed a Commission under the chairmanship of General Janak Singh, the then Revenue Minister to define the term. This Commission comprised both the officials and non-officials besides the representatives of the natives and outsiders with broad representation given to all the section of the population of the state including the Kashmiris, the Dogra and the Panjabis.
The First State Subject Notification
The Commission submitted its report in 1927 defining the term State Subject. Following this recommendation, the Private Secretary to Maharaja Hari Singh, P.K. Wattal (Pyare Krishen Wattal) issued a Circular Order dated January 31, 1927 by command of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur that read:
“His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur has been pleased to command that in future in the case of every new entrant into State Service the authority empowered to make the appointment should certify that he has satisfied himself after due enquiries that the person appointed is a hereditary State subject. Further, that in the absence of such a certificate the Accountant General should not pass the pay bill of such State servant without the definite orders of His Highness in Council to the contrary.
“For the purpose of this order the term “Hereditary State Subject” will be held to mean and include all persons born and residing within the State before the commencement of the reign of His Highness the late Maharaja Gulab Singh Sahib Bahadur and also persons who settled therein before the commencement of Samvat 1942 (1885 AD) and have since been permanently residing therein. The certificate will be given after due enquiries by the Wazir Wazarat in whose charge the candidate for State service resides and the form of such certificate should be submitted by the Accountant General for the approval of His Highness in Council. In the meantime, this order will have effect from the date of issue, namely 31st January 1927.”
The Second State Subject Notification
(The State Subject Certificate makes a mention of a Govt Notification No 84 of the Judicial Department, April 20, 1927.Pic Kashmir Rechords)
A little less than three months later a Government Notification No: 84, of the Judicial Department, to this effect was issued on April 20, 1927 by the Judicial Minister Nazir Ahmed which read:
“ The following definition of the term “State Subject” has been sanctioned by His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur (vide Private Secretary letter No; 2354 dated 31st January 1927, to the Revenue Member of Council) and is hereby promulgated for general information:-
“Class I– All persons born and residing within the State before the commencement of the reign of His Highness the late Maharaja Gulab Singh Bahadur and also persons who settled therein before the commencement of Samvat year 1942 (1885 AD) and have since been permanently residing”.
“Class II– All persons other than those belonging to class I who settled within the State before the close of Samvat year 1968 (1911 AD) and have permanently resided and acquired immovable property therein”.
“Class III – All persons other than those belonging to class I and II permanently residing within the State who have acquired under a Rayatnama any immovable property therein or who may hereafter acquire such property under an Ijazatnama and may execute a Rayatnama after ten years’ continuous residence therein.”
Notes to The Notification
The Notification further carried two Notes and read:
Note (1) “In the matter of grants of State Scholarships, State land for agriculture and house building purpose and recruitment to State Service, State Subject of class I should receive preference over other classes and those of class II over class III subject, however, to the order dated 31st January 1927 of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur regarding employment of hereditary State subjects in Government service”.
Note (2) “The descendants of the persons who have acquired the status of any class of the State subjects will be entitled to become the State subjects of the same class. For example, if A is declared a State subject of class II his sons and grandsons will ipso facto acquire the same status of class II and not of class I”
The Third State Subject Notification
Subsequently, vide another Notification dated June 27, 1931, one more Class of State Subject and one more qualifying Note was added as Class IV State Subject and Note 3.
The Class IV State subjects were defined as:
“Companies which have been registered as such within the State and which, being companies in which the Government are financially interested or as to the economic benefit to the State or to the financial stability of which the Government are satisfied, have by a special order of His Highness been declared to be State subjects”.
The Note 3 read:
“The wife or a widow of a State Subject of any class shall acquire the status of her husband as State Subject of Class as her husband, so long as she resides in the State and does not leave the State for permanent residence out-side the State”.
State Subject Certificates for Employment Only
Evidently, the State Subject Certificates issued under the Notification dated 31st January 1927 of the Private Secretary to His Highness Maharaja Bahadur Hari Singh became paramount in securing employment in the state Government.
After the establishment of this definition in 1927, every entrant into the State Government service was required to produce a certificate of his being a hereditary State subject of Class I. Such certificates were issued by the Wazir Wazarat in whose jurisdiction the candidate happened to reside.
Curse for Pandits & Boon for Muslims
Parenthetically, it was the Kashmiri Pandits, whose untiring efforts including the agitation “Kashmir for Kashmiris” in the 20s of the last century led to the implementation of the State Subject Law, yet “ultimately the definition proved boon for the majority community”, the Muslims of the State and curse for the Kashmiri Pandits in the following decades because of the vicious communal politics that played out in the post-independence era.
Format & Purpose of Early State Subject Certificates
The earliest State Subject Certificates were simply titled: “Certificate of Hereditary State Subject”. These were essentially issued only for the purpose of employment of the candidate in the State Service. Such certificates expressly stated the name of the candidate and his residential address and also declared his being a candidate for employment in the particular department in which he had or would apply for employment and being a hereditary State Subject of Jammu and Kashmir territory “within the meaning of Private Secretary to His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur’s Notification No: Nil, dated 31st January 1927”.
Such certificates were issued by the Wazir Wazarat on the basis of his enquiries and how he had satisfied himself that the candidate had fulfilled the criterions of the Notification dated 31st January 1927.
The present writer has perused two such certificates extant presently. The first one bears No: 71 issued on November 27, 1929 under the signatures of the then Wazir- Wazarat Sri Ram.
This certificate is issued on the attestations of Prof. Radha Krishen Bhan and Prof. Nand Lal Koul, both Professors at S.P. College, Srinagar and Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, then a Pleader at the Maharaja’s Court who later rose to become the Judge of the High Court of Jammu & Kashmir and came to be famously known as Justice Kilam.
In that sense this certificate is uniquely historical for being issued on the attestation of Pandit Jia Lal Kilam who was the main architect of the State Subject Law as detailed in the earlier parts of this paper.
The second certificate bears the title: “His Highness’ Government, Jammu And Kashmir” is issued on August 12, 1930 under the signature of Wazir Wazarat S.N. Raina. The certificate is issued on two criterions; firstly, on the record of Certificate No: 71 dated November 27, 1929 and also the Wazir Wazarat knew the applicant personally.
However, subsequent to the State Subject Notification dated April 20, 1927 the candidates were also issued certificates of being State Subjects of Class I, II and III within the meaning of the Judicial Department Notification No: 84 dated the 20th April 1927 and Class IV vide Notification dated June 27, 1931. Such certificates allowed the candidate to acquire State land for agriculture and house building purposes and avail State Scholarships for educational purposes.
The fundamental criterion for the issuance of such certificates was that the candidate’s cast was not declared as Non-Agriculturist in Gazette dated June 29, 1934. Presently a State Subject Certificate of Class I category of Hereditary State Subject issued on January 29, 1937 by the Tehsildar Khas, Southern, Srinagar vide office File No; 1305 of 1937 still survives.
Permanent Residency Certificates
These definitions of State Subjects were later adopted and subsumed, essentially unchanged into the term “Permanent Residents” in the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution adopted on November 17, 1956 which came into effect on January 26, 1957 in conjunction to Article 370 of the Indian Constitution adopted on October 17, 1949. All persons who were State Subjects as on May 14, 1954 were deemed as Permanent Residents of the state.
From then onwards, while the validity of the State Subject certificates continued to remain effective a revised certificate of Permanent Residency also came into vogue as defined under Section 6 of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir. Such certificates were issued under the signature of Deputy Commissioner of the respective divisions of the state.
State Subject Certificates with Riders Issued to Kashmiri Pandits
( Permanent Resident Certificate issued for the purpose of seeking Government Employment only. Pic: Kashmir Rechords)
By late 70s of the last century, the main criterion on which such certificates were issued to Kashmiri Pandits were for the “Purpose of Training Only”. In the case of the female Kashmiri Pandit holders, an additional rider was put with the remarks “Valid till Marriage” subsequent to the incorporation of Article 35 A in the Indian Constitution adopted in sequel to the 1952 Delhi Agreement reached between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir on July 24, 1952.
( Permanent Resident Certificate of an unmarried Hindu girl with a rider “Valid Till Marriage”. Pic Source: Internet)
Annulling the State Subject & Permanent Residency Certificates
For subsequent several decades both the State Subject Certificates issued during the Dogra Period of Maharaja Hari Singh and the Permanent Residency Certificates issued thereafter in independent India by the Government of Jammu and Kashmir for the permanent residents of the State remained as valid documents until they were annulled by scraping Articles 370 and 35 A of the Indian Constitution by a Parliamentary Act on August 5, 2019 along with which the State was also bifurcated into two Union Territories, the UT of Jammu and Kashmir and the UT of Ladakh.
Birth of Domicile Certificates
Subsequent, administrative orders issued by the Government of the UT of Jammu and Kashmir replaced the State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates with a common Domicile Certificates. According to the laid down rules and prescribed procedures all the holders of the State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates were granted Domicile Certificates.
Domicile Certificates to Other Non- Permanent Resident Categories
(Domicile Certificate of Navin Choudhary, a bureaucrat from Bihar who had become J&K’s first non-local domicile in June 2020. Pic Source: Internet)
However, other non-permanent residents of the State, or outsiders have now also been made eligible to become Domiciles of Jammu and Kashmir subject to the laid down new criterions. These include all persons and their family members who serve in Jammu and Kashmir and belong to all the categories of the Indian Civil Services like, IAS, IPS, IFS, IRS etc ; persons and their family members belonging to military and para-military forces; any person who studies in Jammu and Kashmir up to class VII and necessarily has passed Class 10 Examination of any Educational Board be that of State or Central and persons who have a continuous residency of 15 years and more in the Union Territory shall also become eligible for Domicile Certificates of the Union Territory.
Introduction of Watermark Seal in Domicile Certificates of Exiled Kashmiri Pandits
It may be noted that all previously issued State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates were issued on normal printed stationary of the Government without any Court of Arms of the Dogra insignia or the State logo of Jammu and Kashmir.
(Domicile Certificate of a Kashmiri Pandit migrant Student, issued by Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner, Jammu under Clause 4-b. Pic: Kashmir Rechords)
However, the latest Domicile Certificates issued to the members of the exiled Kashmiri Pandit Community bear a printed watermark seal of the lion of the national Ashoka Pillar and the certificates are issued under the signatures of Relief & Rehabilitation Commissioner (Migrant)
State Subject Movement & Trinity of Jia Lals
Looking in retrospect it will be evident to readers that the crusade of awareness, protest and agitation that finally culminated in the promulgation of the State Subject Law was inaugurated by Kashmiri Pandits. However, what appears to be divinely coincidental is the fact that the Movement for State Subject that was started by four Kashmiri Pandits; and three of them were named Jia Lal (Kilam, Koul and Jalali). The fourth one was Shanker Koul.
* Dr S. N Pandita is a noted Author, Writer and Researcher with nine books and about 80 research papers to his credit. He has attended five International and 15 National Conferences; Scores of Seminars, Lectured at SAALG, British Library, London, PRASADA, University of Leicester, UK , Universities of Luton, Leeds, Birmingham, UK & Nehru Centre, London.
Academic qualification: Ph.D. (D. Phil); Bodleian Reader, Oxford. Principal Research Investigator, HLF-KBC Sir Aurel Stein Kashmir Heritage Project, U.K. ;
Awards & Recognition: Atisha Award 2001; Man of The Year-2004, (American Biographical Institute); Listed to 2000 World Intellectuals, 2004 ( International Biographical Centre, Cambridge, UK)
Academic Field : History, Heritage, Culture, Language & Literature of Kashmir.( Inter-Disciplinary & Trans-Disciplinary Studies)
Specialization & Expertise: Collaborative Interface of Scholarship between the Western & Kashmiri Scholars during the 19th and 20th century. (Dogra Period) & Currently Unknown and Defunct Kashmiri Numeral System developed and used during the Dogra Period.
* Dr. S. N Pandita asserts his Copyright on the entire text of the article under the main heading “State Subject to Domicile: The Journey of Indian Citizenship of &K Residents (From the Feudal Dogra State through Independent India to the Present-day Naya Bharat) as its author.
A write-up, published by Kashmir Rechords under the title ``When Snakes, Stones Snowed in Kashmir’(Part 1) generated a lot of interest on various social-media platforms. Most of the esteemed readers of Kashmir Rechordshave expressed their desire to know more about this unprecedented incident, something they had never heard of. For majority of the readers it was a news of the century for them!
While contents of both the files have already been put into public domain, Kashmir Rechords is publishing more documentary evidence to bring home the point that such incidents had really happened more than 100 years ago and are well-documented.
File noting : Fall of Stones from the Heaven
A picture of one such heavy stone that had reportedly come down with snowflakes in 1912 and is currently in possession of Archaeology Department has also been procured for the benefit of our readers.
Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri alias Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri
Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri alias Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri—– sounds interesting! But that is how this polyonymous from Zutshi clan had lavishly lived and typified himself in first half of 19th century as a traveller, a spy, a writer, a diplomat, a polymath, a polyglot and a scholar but ultimately had to spend his last phase of life in obscurity!
In 1845, when Queen Victoria had invited Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri to the Royal Hall in London, it was to the surprise of all to know that this genius, who was functioning as a spy and had assumed Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri as pseudonym, declared his real name as Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri. This revelation had stunned everyone.
Researches based upon the life and works of Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri connect him to the Zutshi Pandits of Kashmir. His ancestor, Pandit Lachdii Ram Zutshi had in fact migrated from Kashmir to live in Delhi during the reign of Emperor Shahjahan. The extended Zutshi family was since then living in Sita Ram Bazar of Delhi where this Polyonymous Mohan Lal was born in 1812.
It was in Delhi English College where this young Mohan Lal under the encouragement of his father Brahm Nath Zutshi (also known as Budh Singh) had received his education in both English and Persian.
Brahm Nath Zutshi had a Sikh mother who would affectionately call him as Budh Singh. This Budh Singh was married to a Pandit wife, who belonged to Kouls of Gwalior and was bestowed by two sons– Pandit Mohan Lal and his younger brother Pandit Kedar Nath. While Mohan Lal had assumed multi-dimensional personality, his younger brother, Kedar Nath, who died in 1855, was a Deputy Collector in Ambala, Punjab Province.
Mohan Lal Kashmiri as a Spy
Fate often acts in strange ways and so did it for Mohan Lal. In 1831, the British East India Company had appointed Sir Alexander Burnes as its chief spy to gather information in the countries lying between India and the Caspian. His deputation was a part of great design of the British to penetrate into Afghanistan, Central Asian Sultanates and Tibet. It was the British Secret Service, which selected through Charles Travelyan, this very brilliant and ambitious student, Mohan Lal Zutshi (Kashmiri) to accompany Sir Alexander Burnes. Having joined the British Secret Service in 1831 at a tender age of 19, Mohan Lal assumed the name of Mirza Quli Kashmiri as the Persian interpreter to Sir Alexander Burnes.
The first task of Pandit Mohan Lal, (now Mirza Quli Kashmiri) was to recruit his agents to bring about defections among the Afghan resistance movement. He accomplished this extraordinary task with great tact and intelligence. Posing himself as a Kashmiri Muslim, Mohan Lal Zutshi had married a girl from the Royal House to facilitate him in spying.
Mohan Lal Kashmiri as a traveller
Both Sir Alexander Burnes and Pandit Mohan Lal explored Central Asia between 1832 to 1834 for procuring political and military intelligence. During his travels, this Kashmiri Pandit, now Mirza Quli Kashmiri would first seek a wife from the influential family of the region so that his matrimonial alliance would provide him with ample protection. Many of his marriages were outcome of sheer compulsions of reaching inner circles of Britishers’ adversaries. He had also married in royal families of Afghanistan and Iran.
After his return from Central Asia, Pandit Mohan Lal published a journal of his tour in 1834. Twelve years later, this work was re-published with the addition of his travels in Europe. At this same time, he had also published a work on the life of Dost Mohammad Khan, the Amir of Kabul, in two volumes.
After his Central Asian tour, Mohan Lal Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri was promoted as the Commercial Agent for the British on the Indus and Political Assistant to Sir Burnes in Kabul. During the first Anglo-Afghan War, he was instrumental in setting up and expanding the British intelligence network in Afghanistan. On November 2, 1841, the residence of Sir Alexander Burnes in Kabul was stormed by a mob and both Alexander and his brother Charles were killed. But Pandit Mohan Lal saved his life by posing himself as Mirza Quli Kashmiri. He was awarded the Order of the Empire and made a Knight of the Persian Lion.
Later, during his interaction with the Shia Muslims of Iran, he had felt highly impressed with Persian history and culture and embraced Islam. It was here he assumed another name to identify himself as Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri.
In 1843, Mohan Lal retired at the age of 32, disappointed that he had not been properly rewarded for his contributions to the British cause in the First Anglo-Afghan War. He later embarked on a long journey to Egypt, England, Scotland, Ireland, Belgium and Germany. After his European tour in 1846, he published a revised work of his travels in Central Asian countries and Europe.
( Pages from Life and works of `Mohan Lal Kashmiri’ by Hari Ram Gupta, Minerva Book Shop, Lahore- 1943)
Hyderi Begum — Last wife of Mohan Lal Kashmiri
His favourite Wife, Haidri Begum, the last one, was a Shia Muslim and a scholar. During the turmoil in 1857, she maintained a daybook, recording vividly the happenings and events in Delhi describing the atrocities committed by the British on the last Mughal Emperor. Her diary was later seized and confiscated by the British Government in India.
Hyderi Begum as painted by German artist Paul Fischer
Mohan Lal Kashmiri’s later years were spent in obscurity and financial troubles. He became a highly frustrated and isolated person because of his total boycott by his own community members, followed by his death in 1877 at the age of 65. He is believed to have been buried in Delhi in his garden called `Lal Bagh’, near Azadpur. There is no tomb, but only a platform, said to contain the bodies of both Agha Hassan Jan (Mohan Lal) Kashmiri and his favourite wife Hyderi Begum. Hari Ram Gupta, Mohan Lal Kashmir’s biographer, in his book “Life and Works of Mohan Lal Kashmiri’’, gives a detailed account of this unique personality who lived life on his own terms and conditions.
(A page from Life and works of `Mohan Lal Kashmiri’ by Hari Ram Gupta, Minerva Book Shop, Lahore- 1943)
If the records are to be relied upon, there has been a massive decline of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir valley during the past 100 years!
In 1921, the population of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir, as per the 1921 Jammu and Kashmir State Census was 55,052. (Source: “Kashmiri Pandits”, a Book written by Pt Anand Kaul in 1924). Out of this total population of Pandits, 21,635 were living in Srinagar, while as 33,417 were putting up in Mufassils. Male Kashmiri Pandits were more (30,944) in comparison to females(24.108). But this was considered as the most healthy sex ratio. Interestingly, only seven Kashmiri Pandits were gazette officers. That punctures the propaganda that Kashmiri Pandits were the elite or ruling class.
1931 and 1941 Censuses
In 1931, the Kashmiri Pandit population, like other communities had also increased. The total increase in number was, however, only 8056. From 55052 in 1921 it had moved to 63108 in 1931.
According to the 1941 census, there were 78,800 Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir Valley. Source: (Evans, Alexander, “A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001”. Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37).
Srinagar was part of Anantnag District
As per the 1941 Census, Kashmiri Pandits were distributed into two districts of Valley, the Baramulla district, where 12,919 Kashmiri Pandits out of 612,428 total used to live. The other district was Anantnag where they were 7.84 percent of the total population. Interestingly, during those days, Srinagar used to be a part of Anantnag district. Kashmir Valley had only two Districts—- Anantnag and Baramulla. Srinagar formed part of Anantnag and became a separate District only in 1951 A D.
1947:Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir
Scholar Christopher Snedden in his book “ Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris” states that the Pandits made up about 6 percent of the total Kashmir Valley’s population in 1947.
Chitralekha Zutshi in her book, Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir (2004), states that by 1950, “population of Kashmiri Pandits declined to five per cent as many Pandits moved to other parts of India due to the uncompensated land redistribution policy, the unsettled nature of Kashmir’s accession to India and the threat of economic and social decline’’
1981 J&K Census
In the 1981 census, the Kashmir Division had 124,078 Kashmiri Pandits. (Source: Evans, Alexander (2002). “A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001”. Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37). This scholar estimates that by 1990, there would have been 160,000 to 170,000 Pandits living in Kashmir Valley, but following the 1989 insurgency, a “great majority of Pandits felt threatened’’ and left the Kashmir Valley for other parts of India. A large number of Kashmiri Pandit refugees moved to the Jammu Division of the erstwhile Princely State and some to the National Capital Region of India.
In 2011, Kashmir had only 3,400 Kashmiri Pandits
The population of Kashmiri Pandits has declined from an estimated 140,000 in the late 1980s to fewer than 3,400 in 2011 this represents a 98% drop in population. (Source: Essa, Assad, 2 August 2011, Kashmiri Pandits: Why we never fled Kashmir”. aljazeera.com). While revealing the figures of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir in 2011, Aljazeera quoted prominent Kashmiri Pandit leader, Sanjay Tickoo, who had not migrated in 1990.
Such a huge decline in the population of Kashmiri Pandits is often and rightly described as a case of ethnic cleansing. On the sharp decline of the Pandit population, Alexander Evans wonders what kind of society Kashmir becomes in the absence of this already small minority.
During the past over a decade, the Government of India has tried many ways to make the situation conducive for the return of Kashmiri Pandits. A scheme under the Prime Minister Employment Package was also introduced but the return of the community, now scattered, has not fully taken place.
2022 Rajya Sabha Statement
In July 2022, Union Minister of State for Home, Nityanand Rai, told the Rajya Sabha that there are just 6,514 Kashmiri Pandits living in the Kashmir valley. The highest number of Pandits (2,639) live in the Kulgam district.
In continuation of their ethnic cleansing that systematically began during the past century, 12 more Kashmiri Pandits were killed by terrorists in Kashmir in 2020, 2021, and 2022.
Instead of an increase in population during the past 100 years (from 55,052 in 1921), the Kashmiri Pandit community living in Kashmir has been reduced to just 6,514 in 2022! Isn’t it an act of ethnic cleansing?
Who were the famous Bokhari brothers? And what was their connection to Kashmir? These questions can interest only those who have a love for modern broadcasting which inter alia means a love of languages and content creation, an eye for detail and nuances of the human condition and an indomitable will to deal with pressures of all kinds.
Since broadcasting was not initially perceived to be built as a career, governments all over the world recognized its potential to influence public opinion. Resources were invested in it and elaborate hierarchical and bureaucratic structures were created which eventually stifled their creativity. Many an intellectual who rushed to become part of All India Radio, the then latest and premium agency of broadcasting, soon got disillusioned and quickly resigned. The Bokhari Brothers were an exception. They continued to be part of this government structure and curiously were able to turn the tide in favour of nationalist sentiment and supported the freedom movement in disguise when in the majority of the programmes of All India Radio nationalist leaders were invited to present their viewpoint albeit differently. All this was taking place under the watchful eyes of government agencies.
Bokhari Brothers and Baramulla
Bokhari Brothers were born into a family of Peers (Sufi mystics) in Peshawar. Their forefathers had, however, moved to Peshawar from Baramulla town of Jammu and Kashmir. Both had managed to occupy the top posts in All India Radio and were considered the blue-eyed boys of Lionel Fielden, India’s First Controller of Broadcasting. Despite occupying top posts in India, the Bokhari Brothers preferred to be part of the Pakistani establishment after the partition of the sub-continent
Patras Bokhari
The Elder One– Syed Ahmad Shah Bukhari commonly known as (Patras Bukhari (01-11-1898 to 05-12-1958 was a highly popular Pakistani humorist, writer broadcaster and later a diplomat who served as the Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations. At the time of his death, he was still serving as a Pakistani diplomat but had to be buried in Valhalla Cemetery, New York.
Bokhari Brothers’ connection to Kashmir was through their father’s family while their mother belonged to Hindkowan ethnicity. They tried to remain connected with Kashmir. (Patras Bokhari had also a Kashmiri wife— Zubaida Wanchoo)
The elder brother’s tryst with life finally lead him to United Kingdom where he received his Tripos degree from Cambridge University. In 1927, he returned to Lahore to teach English at Government College Lahore. During pre partition days he got groomed to be part of Muslim intelligentsia of South Asia which spearheaded the movement for Pakistan. During this period he also headed All India Radio and when Pakistan got created he became the country’s envoy to United Nations up to 1958. The legendary urdu poets Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Noon Meem Rashid and Kanhaya Lal Kapoor were among his students. Bokharis were peers ( Sufi mystics). Peer Syed Ahmad Shah Bukhari wrote with the pen name of Patras Bukhari, a name he lifted from his teacher Peter Watkins who taught him English. Peter could not pronounce the name Pir, instead called the elder brother as“Pierre “ a French word which in Greek is known as Patras. The translation of Peter into Greek “Patras” was thus adopted by him as his pen name.
Younger Bokhari
The younger brother Zulfikar Ali Bukhari (06 -07 1904 to 12-07-1975) was a prolific broadcaster first with All India Radio and later with Radio Pakistan. Like his elder brother, he was also a writer, poet and musician and was later made the first Director General of Radio Pakistan. He later addressed himself as “Controller of Broadcasting’’ of Radio Pakistan. He had a profound knowledge of English, Urdu, Persian, Arabic, Pashto and Punjabi.
In Undivided India, the British government had got wind of his expertise and appointed him initially a teacher and later promoted him as head of the Bureau of Translation to train British officers. His professional services were eventually sought to head as a full-fledged Director (Broadcaster) at Delhi station of All India Radio and later became Director of All India Radio Bombay. But at the time of partition, he chose to head Radio Pakistan.
Disillusionment of the Elder Bokhari
Patras Bukhari was an internationalist. The energies of the Bokhari Brothers got stifled in a country that they had pursued to be a harbinger of change in the Muslim world. Soon their disillusionment with whatever was happening in Pakistan became clear to them. Pakistan appeared as a nation to safeguard the power, pelf and privileges of the elite only who apprehended that all these would be snatched away from them in united India and such an establishment was not interested in ameliorating the condition of the common populace of Pakistan. This is a fact that the liberals of Pakistan are grudgingly accepting these days.
The Khankah-e-Moula mosque currently standing on the banks of river Jhelum in Srinagar Kashmir is said to have been built upon the ruins of a Hindu temple dedicated to the Mother Kali. This is not entirely without basis as relevant records and documents confirm the veracity of the same. The grand mosque which obscures any remaining remnants of the temple is believed to have been constructed above the walls of an ancient temple dedicated to goddess Kali sacred to Hindus.
Hindus, especially Kashmiri Pandits continued to perform puja at a spot well below the mosque after the desecration of what used to be a grand and magnificent Kali temple.
There is strong documentary evidence to back this claim and even though many have taken advantage of speculative assumptions to advance their own particular narratives about the existence or non-existence of a Hindu religious site. Unfortunately, that has further complicated the issue.
Longing of the devotees
But the fact remains that Pujas by Kashmiri Pandits continued to have been performed at this place cannot be refuted since contemporary accounts by those who compiled their travelogues in Kashmir have documented the fact that Puja did take place and there used to be a small semblance of a temple, at least some walls draped in Sindoor existed and a token or major Pujas are reported to have been taking place even up to 1990.
Pearce Gervis, author of “ This is Kashmir’’ ( 1954) , published by Cassell and Company Limited London, (on page 20) mentions that within the mosque there is a spring which is sacred to Hindus. Beneath the mosque and right on the water-front, is a Hindu temple, which is much used. It appears to be nothing more than a splash of orange paint upon the stone wall under the water front pathway to the mosque’’. Pearce Gervis has also published a photograph of the same site in the said book, which was clicked in the decade beginning from 1950.
Similarly, in a painting pertaining to the year 1906 by an unknown artist, a proper functional temple is also seen existing on the side of the mosque.
Rai Mridu in her book “Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir” (2004) states that local Hindus were involved in various communal disputes and repeated altercations by 1942, agitating for the right to build a temple and lay claim to their ancient shrine at this site which was, however, not acceptable to the majority community of Kashmir.
The Rising Kashmir in its write-up on the same subject titled ”Maha Kali temple co-exists with Khankah’’ (November 19, 2017) also mentions about the practice of Puja taking place at the mosque site where a wall marked with Sindoor existed there.
Noted Kashmiri writer and poet, Zareef Ahmad Zareef quoting Hasan Shah in ‘Encyclopedia of Kashmir’ says that the Brahmins who did not accept Islam were given this place to pray to their goddess Kali. Zareef further mentions that a religious structure continued to exist till 1990 where Kashmiri Pandits would pray and mark their foreheads with Sindoor.
Similarly, Shiri Ram Bakshi, a great scholar of Indian history in one of his famous books, ‘Kashmir Valley and its Culture’ (1997) writes that the shrine of Kali had been converted into Khankah of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani or the Shah-e-Hamadan Masjid. He writes that to this day, its custodians are exceptionally punctilious in cleaning and sweeping the floors of the spring situated within the Khankah. The Pandits, who were allotted a place outside the Khankah premises, continue to offer their worship to the goddess Kali to whom the spring was originally dedicated.
Mother Kali at Sopore Kashmir
While Kali Temple at Srinagar has been in focus on account of its being in the capital city, there are scores of such shrines in Kashmir where Kashmiri Pandits offered Puja on the earmarked portions of the walls of temples converted into mosques. Similarly, a space of the size of a window existed at Shah-e-Hamdan mosque at Khankah Mohalla Sopore Kashmir on the banks of river Jhelum before the present massive structure of the mosque came up after 1990 and since no Kashmiri Pandit resides at Sopore at present, the whereabouts of the Hindu shrine of Kali Temple are not known.
The origin of Kashmiri Panchang, variously called as “ Jantari’’ or “Neshpatra’’ dates back to antiquity. Not only was Kashmir an important centre of spiritual learning but related schools of thought also found a fertile ground to grow.
One such related school of thought that took birth in Kashmir delivered its world class tradition of astrology.
Though Indians have had no love for historiography, the Bhrigu Samhita, the ultimate reference book of the discipline is the testimony to the tradition of predictive astrology being followed in India and incidentally Kashmir, which produced its first historian Kalhana, also makes mentions of a brilliant tradition of astrology prevalent in Kashmir.
Al-Biruni’s Accounts
Even as there are other very important historical documents which testify to the continuity of this important tradition in Kashmir, the most important historic account by a foreigner Al-Biruni in his book “Kitab-ul-Hind” raises this to such an exalted level pertaining to Kashmir that we cannot remain without mentioning some of the observations made by this great historian:-
“I studied the Jantari of Shaka-la (modern Sialkot) pertaining to the year 951 AD. It has come from Kashmir. This Jantari says that Sapt Rishis are staying since many years in Anirudha Moon House which exists in three and one- third degree in the constellation and extends up to 16 and two- third degrees. Saptrishis are still one full `burj’ and 20 degrees forward……. This creates a sense of wonder and no doubt anybody who does not live among Hindus of Kashmir, cannot fathom the concepts and everything they have churned out.’’
This statement of Al- Biruni testifies to the fact that how much learned he himself was about the intricacies of astrology—a school of thought which reached its zenith in Kashmir where Jantris were compiled, formulated and despatched across lands. Kashmiri Panchangs were considered to be the most trustworthy astrological treatises.
Kashmir Panchang’s Gandhaar Connection
Noted Kashmiri scholar and historian, Moti Lal Saqi in his famous book “Aager Neb’’ mentions that `Jantari’’ as a unique product came out of Kashmir only and it is very difficult to accord a date to its origin. Saqi further while referring to Rajtarangni, mentions that it was King Meghwahana who brought and settled Brahmins from Gandhaar and elsewhere in Kashmir’s Bijbehara town around 5th Century AD. It is possible that many astrologers accompanied these Brahmins where they institutionalized this important feature of Kashmir and thus Kashmiri Jantari continues to be named as “Vijeshwar Panchang’’ linked to Bijbehara town. Other notable names in this regard are of Swami Aftab Kak and Shri Kanth Jyotshi, besides others.
Kashmir’s Bijbehara continues to lay its claim on the World famous Panchangs—the Kashmiri Jantaris— although they are presently published from Jammu and elsewhere. Pt Prem Nath Shastri, the great learned Pandit and social reformer did a yeoman’s service to make it available to all and sundry when he pioneered to get it printed for distribution on a large scale some decades back.
Non-Hindus of Kashmir as well as India and the World, also make a bee line for obtaining a copy of this almanac of dates and occasions, both auspicious and otherwise, for round the clock consultations. Sh Omkar Nath Shastri, who is presently the publisher of Vijeshwar Panchang is on record to convey that the year 2024-25 will be 341st issue of the famed Panchang in continuity .
Ghulam Rasool Santosh was Everything in Nothing— a painter, a mystic poet, a writer, a playwright a weaver, a calligrapher and above all a Kashmiri Shaivite.
Born in 1929 as Ghulam Rasool in a Kashmiri Muslim family at Chinkral Mohalla, Habba Kadal, he was forced to give up schooling after his father’s death and as a result took up several odd jobs like silk weaving, signboard painting and white washing walls. Slowly, he returned to painting and joined the Progressive Arts Association in Kashmir started by Sayed Haider Raza who was then mobilizing Kashmiri painters. In 1954, he won a scholarship to study Fine Arts under a celebrated Indian painter, N. S. Bendre in the city of Baroda, Gujarat.
Adding name of his wife Santosh to personify the man- woman union
Around the same time, Ghulam Rasool did what was considered unusual and unacceptable in conservative Kashmiri society. He married his childhood Kashmiri friend, Ms Santosh and assumed her name to become Ghulam Rasool Santosh.
Santosh was greatly influenced by another one of Mother India’s most illustrious painter— S. H Raza, whose Geometric Abstraction revolved around a “Bindu’’ and the concept of “Tantra’’. Santosh was thus influenced by concept of Shiv Darshana. His natural affinity to delve deep into Tantra paintings admittedly produced wonderful results. His paintings centered around the theme of dimensional circles, cubes, triangles and Santosh not only accorded an academic base to these paintings but also explored the hidden spiritual meanings and messages.
These themes mainly revolved around Shiv and Shakti and the inspiration behind these was his utmost devotion for the Universal Mother seated at Hari Parbat, known from the ancient times as `Predumana Peeth’’ or “ `Sharika Peeth’’.
Towards the end, his whole focus was on interpretation of `Shri Chakra’ and its spiritual significance but unfortunately, this could not fructify, as he along with lakhs of Kashmiris had to abandon his homeland.
Considering the current situation, it is unlikely that another Santosh may emerge from Kashmir, as the very soul of Kashmir stands brutalised as on date. But since strange are the ways of the Divine, the seed may lie embedded to sprout in the womb of future.
Santosh’s life and works
In early 1960s, Ghulam Rasool Santosh had studied Tantric (mystical) art and Kashmir Shaivism. In 1964, he adopted this style to create some of the best examples of modern Tantric paintings. His paintings are known for the vibrancy of colours, neat lines, spiritual energy and sensuousness. His paintings have been exhibited in notable international shows. Santosh also wrote plays, poetry and essays in Kashmiri. He was also an authority on Kashmir Shaivism, and was one of the very few people who could read and write the ancient, and almost-extinct, Kashmiri script called Sharda.
Santosh’s canvas represented a Projection of Shunya
According to a booklet brought out by Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) , Santosh is quoted to have lived with the belief that his canvas represented a projection of Shunya, the void which is incalculable in time and dimension, Anadi and Ananta {without beginning to end}. “The surrounding dark oceans in terms of which you describe the borders of my canvas are the ever unfathomable, unreachable of the fundamental unfathomable, infinite aspects of the fundamental creative force which lies beyond the pale of wisdom, thought and imagination. The canvas itself, therefore, is symbolic as it portrays the omnipresence of infinite in the finite. But space cannot be defined without a minimum of three directions or three lines, which formulate a triangle, which is Mula Trikona. The initial nature of all pervading creative force is Shabda Brahma, primordial sound which is ever and ceaselessly vibrant.”
In search of Inspiration at Amarnath Cave
In 1960, Santosh took a visit to the Amarnath cave in the hope finding inspiration to write an inter-faith romance. However, he came back with an experience of a philosophical tradition that would become the fulcrum of his thought process and embrace his inner sanctum. The 8th century tantric philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism became his leitmotif. He started studying Tantric Art -imagery and philosophy and created his own cosmic corollaries incorporating the cosmic egg form, the vertical symmetry, the ovoid shape as well as the phallic. This why he said: “My paintings are based on the male and female concept of Shiva and Shakti and therefore construed as tantra.”
Kashmir Shaivism had influenced Santosh in terms of colours. It spoke of Prakash Vimarsha as it considered colour a form of light. Therefore, Santosh started treating colour as light. The orange colour in his paintings referenced a connection to tantra in the form of sindoor. Santosh had meditative practices, so deep was his understanding that his paintings reflected those powers of energy. Santosh had over 30 solo shows in India, U.S.A., Canada, Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore, besides exhibiting his paintings in national international group shows.
Honoured with Padma Shri by the President of India, he was also awarded the National Award twice and the Artist of the Year Award in New Delhi in 1984. His works belong to Museums all over the world.
Santosh as a mystic poet
Many few people must be aware of the fact that apart from a painter, Santosh was also a great mystic poet. He wrote an important poem in 1963 `Do Rukh’ (twin faced) which employed the metaphor of one’s eyes being transplanted behind the skull. The poem was symbolic of liberating one’s thought process from the constraints of time, space or dimension on the one hand, and implying on the other than one may have left one’s destination behind.
Santosh at a Mushaira organised by All India Radio.
Santosh loved reciting his poetry over Radio Kashmir. In 1972, he had participated in All India Poetic Symposium at New Delhi. In 1978, he received the Sahitya Akademi award for his collection of poems in Kashmiri, titled ‘Be suakh Ruh’ On March 10, 1997, Santosh left for heavenly abode— away from Kashmir, The same year, he was awarded posthumously Doctorate of Literature (Litt.D.) by University of Jammu
A renovated old house at village Banga Khatkar Kalan some 40 kilometers from Jallandhar, Punjab has assumed the status of no less than that of a shrine. This building which has now been renovated and converted into a museum, has a unique feature, as it houses the items of daily use belonging to Shaheed Bhagat Singh. Apart from iron buckets, utensils, brass glasses, thalis, manjas (Cots), a charkha (spinning wheel) and a typewriter, there is a unique thing on the display….. That is a Kashmiri Samavar!
Served as home to one of the greatest revolutionary and freedom fighter that India has produced, this ancient house on Nawanshahar Banga road has given identity to the rechristened District now known as Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar District. The unique feature of this house are the items of daily use which are displayed in cupboards in a manner they existed and were used in the then Punjab.
For Kashmiris especially Pandits and also Muslims, the visit instils a greater degree of pride and love for the Shaheed- e- Azam when they notice an exquisite Samavar made of pure brass adoring the cupboard meant for displaying the items. Interestingly, on its right side is kept a Black and White photograph of adolescent Bhagat Singh with a turban and coat as worn by North Indians during those days. Every Kashmiri can identify with this as our forefathers also put on the same outfit borne by old photographs if at all they happen to be in anyone’s possession.
Brass Samavar makes Kashmiris nostalgic
The Brass Samavar makes the Kashmiri culture come alive in this great house. Nostalgia also grips Kashmiri Pandits when they see this big kettle/tea pot rarely used outside Kashmir to be among the most important part of the heritage called Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh’s House.
It also throws light on Shaheed- e-Azam’s thought process and the unique aspect of his personality which on one hand was tremendously aware of all the geo-political developments that were prevalent in the region, his love for freedom of India for which he executed the historical strategies and on the other hand Shaheed- e- Azam also possessed a tender heart that accorded a great appreciation to aesthetics, Punjab’s own culture and a great respect for cultures of other parts of India combined with a farsightedness unseen to this day.
There is, however, no known record about this Samavar on display in the museum. Infact, few years back, Punjab’s Tourism department had failed to provide full description of things preserved in the ancestral house of martyr Bhagat Singh at Khatkar Kalan. Former Tourism Minister, Navjot Singh Sidhu, during his visit on October 2, 2017 had directed the department to give full description of things preserved in the ancestral house. A detailed story was carried by Hindustan Times that month along with the photographs of some of the rare items.
In March 2016, when the renovation of the house was being done, the department had appealed to the public to hand over any belongings of the martyr or his family so that they could be preserved. The house, which was in dire need of renovation, was repaired by the department for the first time since 1984 when it was handed to the government by the village panchayat. Before that, the local panchayat used to take care of it. After the renovation, it was opened to the public and many things were kept in the house, but the department had failed to give any descriptions, including that of this unique Kashmiri Samavar on display.
A great civilization like Kashmir must claim and reflect a long tradition of humor in its literature, folk tales, writings and way of life. It definitely lives up to its reputation of that statement. However, the same is not to be equated with high decibel, vulgar and boisterous one that presently sells around us. Like elsewhere in India including in Kashmir this standard is the Rasa, as defined by Bharat Muni in “Natya Shastra”.
Kashmiri humor essentially is the joyful humor. Evidence to back that up exists in plenty. Nilmata being one such compendium, which includes this essential part of joy and mirth in the life of Kashmiris of yore. Unfortunately the period from thirteenth century onwards which has been full of upheavals and changing landscapes does not record any humor. Late Shri Som Nath Bhat Veer, a great researcher and author categorizes the above as “Weeping One” and it is here we see a shift from playfulness, joy and mirth to ‘Satire’. This artistic expression reached its zenith with experiments by Laal Lakhman in his loaded satirical poetry.
Of him it is said that he would instill fear if provoked or antagonized as he could extract satirical humor from any situation. People took great care not to offend him as he could roast anybody with his wit of a hornet’s bite of a satire.
Dr. Baljinath Pandita, the great Shaivite scholar terms him second only to Kshemendra the great polymath of tenth century Kashmir as conveyed by late Som Nath Bhat Veer.
Laal Lakhman’s poetic expression
Laal Lakhman, the great poet was born in Tsavalgam, a small village nearly four kilometers from Kulgam. The acronym Lal is actually the name of his friend who as his colleague would accompany him on revenue collection missions of the government.
Lal Lakhman’s poetry was essentially aimed at reforming the ills of the society which highlighted the corrupt and immoral practices followed by shopkeepers, bread makers, government officials and members of public. Certain critiques however are of the opinion that his language may be considered crude and brass, nevertheless enjoying. An example of his poetical expression taking the situation of a brawl between two neighbors is given vent like below. :-
“Sona Jad te Dam Daessie….Gaanan Manz Ladith Aaessie
Tiklen Kun gayakh faessie….Magh Maesie bozakh Na”
Translated into English, the expression invokes the plight of two families born to Jads and Dassis with golden spoons in their mouths, still they would enter into brawls in cowsheds. Their they were tied to pegs meant for cattle. Listen to this oh readers especially in the month of Magha.
It is said that one day he and his friend Jiya Lal went to see one Tota Ram in village Gudar. Somehow, Laal Lakhman did not enjoy the tea and as such sprouted the satire as follows:-
“Samavar osukh goshey… Tath oas variyuk koshey
Malayi kani traevith haay…… Chet e Toti Gudrenie chai”
‘The Samavar had remained uncleaned in a corner of the house and had gathered a full year’s tea dust……They substituted soot for cream. Enjoy dear friends Tota Gudri’s tea.
This illustrious son of Kashmir unfortunately had no children and is said to have met an uncelebrated and ignominious death in the later part of the previous century even though he was a phenomenon of sorts at one point of time.
There is almost negligible record available in public domain regarding life and works of Laal Lakhman. Except for a small video by Sh M K Raina of Project Zaan, no research work has been conducted on the poetry of this son of the soil. Sh Raina, however, mentions about Laal Lakhman’s famous poem gàdû dêgùl.
Arjun Dev Majboor had also authored a research paper on Lala Lakshman some five decades ago.
Gwasha Lal Kaul was one of the most bold and prominent Journalist Kashmir has ever produced. Besides a historian, he used to publish “The Kashmir Chronicle’’ from Srinagar before 1947, which he had founded in 1939. Kaul, during the same period, was also the President of Kashmir Journalists Association and the founding Editor of “The Kashmir Times (1934) besides a correspondent for A.P.I. and Reuters in 1931.
The Kashmir Chronicle of July 16, 1947
Gwash Lal Kaul
Kashmir Rechords is producing one of the scanned copies of this preserved newspaper, published on July 16, 1947.The newspaper carries an interesting write-up on the right corner of its front page under the heading “Kashmir on Horns of a Dilemma”, with Delhi (July 13 dateline). Remember, on July 16, 1947, Kashmir had neither decided to accede to India nor to Pakistan on the day of publication of this news item—hence the dilemma!
As per the available records, during the period from 1945 to 1947, the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir was publishing 60 newspapers/weeklies/journals, mostly in Urdu and English from Srinagar, Jammu, Mirpur and Muzaffarabad. The Kashmir Chronicle was one of those prominent papers.
According to the noted broadcaster, Peerzada Abdal Mehjoor, this Editor was popularly known as Gwasha Lal (B.A)……for he had completed his graduation in 1927, which was uncommon during those days! More than his journalism capabilities, he was equally recognised as a prominent historian.
Gwasha Lal Kaul’s history book titled “Kashmir now and Then’’ used to be an authentic reference book. The Book was once a part of Kashmir curriculum. Dr Karan Singh wrote its foreword. It is, however, unknown as to why the book was dropped in every seventies.
Abdal remembers Gwasha Lal Kaul as a close friend of his father, Ibn Mehjoor, Both had established an NGO “Kashmir Historical Society “. Dr Abdul Ahad was also its founder member.
Abdal has seen Gwasha Lal very minutely, discussing Kashmir affairs with his father. “Though physically weak, Gwasha Lal was brave with a lion’s heart and tremendously outspoken’’. That is evident from his writings, as he was not sparing even Maharaja’s administration while highlighting the plight of common masses.
Pt. Lok Nath Kaul of Srinagar remembers Gwasha Lal Kaul as being nicknamed as “Gwasha Thackery’’. His references to and quotations from William M. Thackery in most of his conversations with friends and foes had earned him this nickname!
Gwasha Lal Kaul’s professional Journey
1923-1928: Press Representative
1925: President Postmen’s Union.
1928: President ‘Kashmir Youngman’s Club’.
1931: Correspondent A.P.I. and Reuters.
1932: Editor ‘Daily Martand”.
1933: Vice-President S. D. Youngmen’s Association (Yuvak Sabha), Kashmir.
1934: Founder and Editor ‘The Kashmir Times’.
1939: Founder and Editor “The Kashmir Chronicle.
1947: President ‘Kashmir Journalists Association’.
Kashmir with great geo-strategic significance, connecting Indian sub-continent with Central Asia and rest of the world, since ancient times, has served as an economic corridor between South and Central Asia. The three principal highways were facilitating such connections, leading to Khorasan, India and Tibet. The Zojila (11,300 feet.) Pass has been since ages, an important thoroughfare, connecting Kashmir with Ladakh and with Tibet, Turkistan and China. The movement on this Pass used to continue from June to November every year, though top of Zojila remained under snow until end of June.
The Silk Road used to be a major trading route in the first millennium B.C. It connected the kingdom of Kamboja, which is now Afghanistan and Tajikistan, to cities and cultural centers in northern India. The Silk Road extended approximately 6,437 kilometers (4,000 miles) across some of the world’s most formidable landscapes.
Although, the route was not more secure than others, however, it was considered the chief trade route, known as silk route between Kashmir and Central Asia. This Pass gave a unique commercial importance to the erstwhile state as it was traversed by moving traders for transportation of goods over Kashmir and onwards into Kargil, Leh and Central Asia.
Like Kashmir, the passes of Ladakh are equally famous. Categorized into three groups, one among them was the Tibetan Route or Leh-Demchak (Tibet) route, the main communication link between Leh and Tibet, connecting Leh with the Tibetan city of Lhasa. Here, traders had choice depending on the city of destination.
The Karakoram Pass was another important route into Central Asia and a regular means of communication between India and Turkestan.
From Kar-kil to Kargil
In addition, one of the important trans-Kashmir outlets through Zojila was Kargil-Iskardu-Gilgit link road. Kargil was equidistant from Kashmir, Baltistan and Ladakh— hence, its ancient name—Kar-kil meaning equal distance, which later on transformed into Kargil. Gilgit was equally an important trade link between Kashmir and India on one side and Xinjiang China and Central Asia on the other.
Kashmir has maintained commercial and cultural relations with South and Central Asia through these links since ancient times, and served as a trading belt that connected multiple geographic areas. The merchant community that conducted trade between India and Central Asia across Kashmir, was broadly fragmented into two groups, the ‘Andijanese’ or ‘Kashmiris’ and Afghans. Andijanese would traded at Kashgar, which in first quarter of the 19th century, was a bigger city than Yarkand, wherefrom Afghan traders used to operate. (Cambridge history of China. Vol X p 83). The Andijanese also operated at Kokand, Tashkent and Bukhara though their role was considerably smaller at Tibet, Ladakh, Baltistan and Yarkand .
Since Kashmir bordered closely with Central Asia, its capital city, Srinagar, was the hub of trading activity for the Turkish, Tibetan, Ladakhi, Balti and Kashmiri merchants. These traders had rest houses as well as religious Shrines in Kashmir. Cambridge history of China. Vol X).
The erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed special status in the Indian subcontinent as it offered a direct land access of India to Turkestan, Yarkand, Khotan, and facilitated free movement of diverse goods, merchants, explorers, spies and soldiers across different routes criss-crossing Kashmir. However, the Partition of Indian sub-continent in 1947, emergence of India and Pakistan and the sequential wars between them in 1965 and 1971 on Jammu & Kashmir led to the permanent closure of traditional trans-Ladakh and trans-Gilgit land routes.
Some books about the Silk Route
`India and the Silk Roads’ by Jagjeet Lally
`Silk Route Expedition, Phase III: Leh-Chushul’, written by the University of Kashmir’s Centre of Central Asian Studies.
`Kashmir and Kashghar: A Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy to Kashghar (1873-74)’
Kashmiris of yore (it is hoped that plenty still exist) would be very familiar with the word “Hakim’’, the traditional physician who ran the predominant private and parallel health system of Kashmir actively even up to 1970s, after which we notice a declining trend in people’s attitudes towards acceptance of their traditional line of treatment.
These Hakims would in the eyes of common Kashmiris possess “Daste-e-Shifa’’. Translated into English, it means the curing hand. These Hakims were believed to possess legendry powers and the patients on their deathbeds are reported to have reverted to life by their able hands and talents, something bestowed on them by God Almighty.
During the late 1940s, like so many Europeans, many a traveler took keen interest in Kashmir and began to write new travelogues which paved the way to add information and value to the already existing ones regarding the land of Kashmir and its people.
An Encounter with Hakim Abdul Rehman
In his tremendously famous book “This is Kashmir’’ published by Messrs Cassel and Company Limited, Queen Victoria Street London (1954), the author of the book Pearce Gervis refers to a very interesting encounter with a Kashmiri Hakim Abdul Rehman. In fact, Mr. Gervis got introduced to our Hakim Saheb through one Colonel about whose nationality, the author makes no mention.
This Colonel reposed such faith in the Hakim, that he insisted Abdul Rehman be included as a person of interest in Mr. Gervis’ travelogue.
So, Pearce Gervis writes about the Hakim—Abdul Rehman: “ He wore the voluminous effeminate gown….. On his head was an enormous spotless white turban so big that I might have taken him for a Hindu, had the `Tika’ mark not been present on his forehead.’’
Gervis was made to meet the Hakim through a jumble of intersecting lanes and by-lanes, crisscrossing shabby clusters of huts and was assured into a large hall of a very big house where everybody would be seated cross-legged beside small low-level tables. The walls of this room where adored with Mughal era paintings and this would serve as a big consultation room. The same was proportionally partitioned by curtains to separate the consulting room and the dispensary.
The Colonel confessed that he was indebted to the Hakim Saheb. Some 20 years before (which roughly comes to somewhat late 1930s), this Colonel had actually developed appendicitis. While the doctors had recommended a surgical procedure, he had avoided himself coming under the surgical knife. He was advised to give a vague try with “Dast-e-Shifa” of our Hakim. So, the services of Abdul Rehman were sought who in his very graceful and humble manner brought a bottle of Kashmiri medicine along with him. Next day, when the doctors in the Military Hospital examined the Colonel, he was declared to have been cured of his medical condition, which was naturally, a thing of wonder!
Mr. Gervis writes that when he brought-up the issue of Colonel’s medical condition before Abdul Rehman, he not only testified the same but also claimed to be the descendant of the same Yogi who had cured King Zain-ul-Abedin—the Budshah .So much so for Shri Bhatt’s progeny!
Almost anywhere, usage of certain words pertaining to ghosts and spirits springs up unconsciously in our daily conversation. Many may not know much about them now, thus, let us revisit and try to understand the who is who of these ghosts and spirits in Kashmir.
1.The Jins ( Variously called dgins, Jenie, elves, Devv, Drethaakh, Tasrup etc.) They seem to belong to all sexes and have the power to cast spells of evil and capture the victim subjecting him or her to infinite torture.
2. Yechh is supposed to be one of the aboriginal inhabitants of Kashmir, whose characteristic seems to be that of a heathen. Yechh also has a co-relation with trans-Himalayan diety `Yaksha’.
3.Divath is believed to be the inhabitant of houses. “Wachya Divath’’ is still uttered in Kashmir by one and all, irrespective of religious or other affiliations to curse somebody to deprive him or her the protection of peace and calm, incur losses of all kinds and to get indulged in domestic troubles. It is supposed to mean that one has lost the protection of devtas as some unwanted action on part of the individual may have offended them.
4.Brahm Brahm Chouk belongs to the category of Tasrup. Adolescent boys and girls along with weak and disease-prone individuals come under its spell near Numbals (marshy lands), cremation grounds and graveyards.
5.Whoph Whoph…. When some Kashmiris used to pass by an old dilapidated house, they were often reported to have been held captive by the evil spirits dwelling there. Whoph is thus a term associated with the spirits of these barking dogs and snarling cats.
6.Mushraan is a kind of spirit that appears in a very wretched and dirty countenance of an old fat heathen who pounces upon a victim by giving it a big tight hug and starting a process of decline, disease and wastage of the body of the individual and his resources.
7.Daen or Dyn belongs to the same category of evil spirits as has been known in other parts of the sub-continent.
8. Raantas is the exclusive daen of Kashmir who also finds mention in Afghani, Iranian and Turkish folklore where it is known as `Aal, and Goul’. Its feet are reversed and its eyes exist alongside its nose only.
9.Rihis an undefined female who employs the technique of casting a spell to capture a man with an intention of eating him!
10. Parish is a very beautiful female, perhaps also known as Pari. Its body is supposed to be made of four elements only with the predominance of the fire element and naturally, it is supposed to devour its victim by consummation of fire or make the victim unbelievably restless.
Ghosts, spirits are part of Kashmir language, folklore
Presently belonging to the age of reason which we proudly own as a statement of existence—all this may sound irrational and superstitious but the same continues to be an important part of language and folklore of Kashmir.
Kashmir Rechords has compiled this list after an exhaustive and detailed research on the folklore of Kashmir. Special mention may be made about a very rare book “Keys to Kashmir’’. Author unknown, Lala Rukh Publications, Srinagar, 1953, incorporating an extract of Vigney Godfrey Thomas’ 1848 AD edition titled “Travels in Kashmir, Ladakh, Iskardu’.
We also urge our esteemed readers to share and help us in adding whatever information they have at their disposal regarding the subject.
This meticulously compiled chronological Table of ancient Kashmiri Kings and dynasties (Preserved by Kashmir Rechords) is an extract from the brilliantly researched Book `The Hindu History of Kashmir’ written by H H Wilson ( 1960 edition).
Tight controls on freedom of expression have been a hallmark of the Pakistani government’s policy in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK). While militant organizations are being given full coverage to propagate their views and disseminate literature, those critical of the Pakistani and PoK government, are facing repression.
The Pakistani government has long limited dissemination of news in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. That is evident from the fact that there is no locally based news agency. In addition, PoK has just two dailies and equal number of weeklies, being published locally. As compared to PoK, newspapers published from Jammu and Srinagar cities on daily basis are more than 370!
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir has no English newspaper of its own, either published from Muzaffarabad or Mirpur—the two major cities of the occupied territory. Ironically, PoK websites show newspapers like Kashmir Times, Greater Kashmir, Kashmir Reader, Kashmir Observer etc. ( all published from Srinagar), as their publications!
Pakistan’s “Kashmir Affairs Ministry” denies permission to PoK newspapers
People living in PoK largely rely on local editions of Pakistani newspapers for news and information. In order to publish within the territory of PoK, newspapers and periodicals need to be granted permission by the Kashmir Council and the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. These bodies unlikely grant permission to any proposed publication, which are sympathetic to any discourse on Kashmir and its affairs other than that sanctioned by the Pakistani government. The same rules apply to the publication of books. Members of the press have been complained of the intrusive and coercive policies of the PoK government particularly of the ISI and the Pakistani military.
There have been many instances in PoK when journalists, who did not toe to Government or Army line, were subjected to severe kind of torture. Waheed Kiyani, a local journalist working for the Reuters news agency, was once arbitrarily arrested by the ISI when he was returning from the city of Rawlakote after covering a political meeting.
Book on Mangla Dam banned
The PoK `government’ regularly bans books that it considers to be prejudicial to the “ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan.” This includes all books that propagate or discuss Kashmiri nationalist discourse with its emphasis on “independence for a united Kashmir’’ or merger with India.
Muhammad Saeed Asad, a self-described `Kashmiri nationalist’, living in PoK, has authored numerous books on Kashmir Affairs. Employed as a Social Welfare Officer in PoK, he was, however, suspended in 2002 for writing a book on the Mangla Dam that had questioned Pakistan’s right to water sources originating in Kashmir.
Pakistan has banned three books written by Saeed Asad for being “anti-state and an attempt to promote nationalist feelings amongst Kashmiris.” These include Shaur-e-Farda, banned in 1996, which comprises letters written by Maqbool Butt to his friends and relatives over a span of two decades. Saeed Asad’s book on the Mangla Dam controversy was banned on November 21, 2002, and a book on the Northern Areas was banned in June 2004.
The government of Pakistan is on the other hand willing to fund books and propaganda to the tune of millions of rupees to propagate its own views and stance. People of PoK are forced to listen to “Azad Kashmir’’ Radio, a subsidiary of the state-controlled Radio Pakistan that is mandated to spread canards against India and Indian State.
Official repression of freedom of expression is not limited to controls and censorship specific to Kashmiri nationalists and journalists. Even local public, if they raise anti-Government voice or try to register their anger, are subjected to harshest punishments and troubles.
In spite of imposing a media blackout, social media is abuzz with videos of angry protesters denouncing Islamabad’s step-motherly treatment of PoK as well as heartrending visuals of people scrambling to get hold of a bag of flour!
The gifted singer whose musical voice echoed the earthly sounds of melody and became synonym with Dogra ethos, Malika Pukhraj (Jammu Wali), will always remain inextricable part of modern Dogra lore as well as the shared legacy of the sub-continent.
Born in 1912, in village Mirpur near Akhnoor, Jammu, Malika Pukhraj needs no introduction! Her journey from Akhnoor to Kanak Mandi, Jammu to Lahore is itself very interesting! Kashmir Rechords is reproducing two of her rarest photographs to bring home the fact that she is, what she used to sing, “ Abhi to Mein Jawan Hoon’’— both in everyone’s thoughts and pictures”.
Jammu Wali Malika Pukhraj had an opportunity to sing during the coronation ceremony of Maharaja Hari Singh as she was bestowed with the honour of being a court singer at the young age of nine. However, her childish act (laughing in Maharaja’s darbar) was the turning point in her life, as the same was viewed as contempt, recalls noted journalist, Lalit Gupta in one of his writeups.
Journey from Jammu to Lahore
According to Gupta, due to some court intrigues, she had to leave Jammu for good at a very young age. At Lahore, she associated herself with All India Radio, Lahore, where she was every time addressed as “Malika Pukhraj Jammu Wali’’. The pictures produced by Kashmir Rechordsdates back to January 1940. Pukhraj must have been 28 at that time!
After partition, Malika Pukhraj lived in old Lahore City where she was married to Shabbir Husain Shah, a Government Officer. She had six children. He daughter– Tahira Syed, having learnt singing under her mother’s strict discipline, also turned out to be a well-known Pakistani singer. Continuing in her style, Tahira re-sung many of her mother’s famous songs, including her Dogri songs.
Malika Pukhraj had visited Jammu for the last time in 1988 along with her daughter Tahira.
All India Radio’s Legend of Voice
In recognition of her contribution to music, she received Pakistan’s Presidential Pride of Performance Award in 1980. But before that, in 1977, All India Radio had awarded her with the ‘Legend of Voice’ award.
Malika Pukhraj died at Islamabad on February 4, 2004, at the age of 90, but her Dogri songs, “nazm” recitations and ghazal renditions live on. She is remembered in the Jammu as a cultural icon and Lahore is still nostalgic with the resonance of her gayaki.
On the top of it—- She was always addressed as “Malika Pukhraj—-Jammu Wali!’’
Shyama Zutshi (1910-1953) and Zaira Wasim (born 23 October 2000) have something in common to share. While Shyama Zutshi was the first Kashmiri girl who joined Hindi films in 1934, Zaira Wasim is perhaps the last from the same cultural background/lineage. Both Shyama and Zaira have remained quite successful and sought after stars but suddenly moved out from films for nearly identical reasons. Shyama Zutshi is believed to have quit films as her fellow Kashmiri Actor, Chander Mohan Wattal used to tell her always to quit acting as the same was “not meant for Kashmiri girls’’. As per some of the statements of Zaira Wasim, Bollywood industry had “conflicted with her religious identity and beliefs’’.
Shyama Zutshi: An actor, freedom fighter
Shyama Zutshi, a Kashmiri pandit, born at Anand Bhawan, Allahabad, after passing her BA examination, had joined Hindi cinema. She had acted in films like Shiv Bhakti (1934), Majnu (1935), Kaarwaan- e- Hayaat (1935) and Khooni Jadugar (1939) and had remained a prominent artist on the panel of All India Radio, Delhi. Her father, Ladli Prasad Zutshi was a freedom fighter. Shyama was admitted to Sacred Heart Convent, Lahore by her mother Lado Rani. Fluent in English, Gujarati, Marathi, Urdu, Kashmiri and Hindi, Shyama Zutshi was also proficient in horse riding and singing.
Her major hit was Karwan-E-Hayat (1935) in which she acted with K. L. Saigal, T. R. Rajakumari, Pahari Sanyal, and Rattan Bai. She became a very successful actor, but with the influence from her elder sister Manmohini, she moved out from films and focused on politics and freedom struggle. Another reason for Shyama Zutshi to quit films was the advice from a fellow Kashmiri actor Chander Mohan Wattal who was a close friend of Zutshi family. Later, Shyama became a Women Congress leader and a frontline freedom fighter influenced by Mahatama Gandhi‘s non-violent struggle along with her mother and three sisters (Chandra Kumari, Manmohini and Janak) . After some time Lado Rani arranged the marriage of Shyama in a well off Chopra family.
Shyama’s father, Ladli Prasad Zutshi was a prominent lawyer in Lahore and was the nephew of Pandit Motilal Nehru. Lado Rani infused the light of patriotism in her daughters by participating in the freedom movement.
Kashmiri actresses Yashodhara Kathju and Zaira Wasim
Once Shyama Zutshi was out, another girl namely Yashodhara Kathju (niece of Pandit Nehru) was next in line of Kashmiri Pandit girls to join the Indian Film Industry. Chander Mohan Wattal tried to ensure that Yashodara alsoleaves the films but this girl was tough. She ignored all requests from Chander Mohan. Yashodhara Kathju acted in many films from 1942 to 1960. Chnderlekha (1948) and Talaaq (1958) were her milestone films. She married a Navy officer Suraj Prakash Chopra and lived a very unnoticed quiet life. The other Kashmiri girl of modern times and National Award-winning actor, Zaira Wasim announced her “disassociation” from the field of acting in 2019. Since then, she has often shared posts on social media in support of her religion
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) has its own `constitution’, the so-called “Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act of 1974’’, and a locally chosen parliamentary form of government. This sort of constitution allows for many of the structures that comprise a self-governing state, including a legislative assembly `elected’ through periodic elections, a `Prime Minister’ who commands the majority in the assembly, an indirectly elected president, an `independent’ judiciary, and local government institutions.
But these provisions are all hollow. Under Section 56 of PoK’s `Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act’ (which was drafted by the Federal Ministries of Law and Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad), the Pakistani government can dismiss any elected government in PoK irrespective of the support it may enjoy in Muzaffarabad Legislative Assembly. The Interim Constitution Act provides for two executive forums—the “Azad Kashmir Government’’ in Muzaffarabad and the “Azad Kashmir Council’’ in Islamabad.
PoK remains for all intents, purposes under Pakistan’s control
The latter body, presided over by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, exercises paramount authority over the PoK Legislative Assembly, which cannot challenge decisions of the Council. The Council is under the numerical control of the federal government in Islamabad, as in addition to the Pakistani Prime Minister it comprises six other federal ministers, the minister of Kashmir Affairs as the ex-officio member, the `Prime Minister’ of PoK, and six PoK members `elected by the Legislative Assembly’. The interim Constitution Act lists fifty-two subjects—virtually everything of any importance—that are under the jurisdiction of the PoK Council, which has been described as the “supra power” by PoK High Court. Its decisions are final and not subject to judicial review.
Thus, PoK remains for all intents and purposes under Pakistan’s strict control, exercising no real sovereignty of its own. From the outset, the institutional set up in the territory was designed to ensure Pakistan’s control of the area’s affairs. According to the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) resolutions, PoK is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a “local authority” with responsibility over the area assigned to it under the Ceasefire Agreement.
Karachi Pact of 1948
The “local authority” or provisional government of PoK, established in October 1947 was handed over to Pakistan under the Karachi Agreement of April 28, 1949. Under this pact, matters related to defense, foreign affairs, negotiations with the UNCIP and coordination of all affairs relating to Gilgit and Baltistan (strategically important territories that now comprise Pakistan’s “Northern Areas” but are claimed by India as part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir), were handed over to Pakistan.
The `Constitution’ of PoK poses major impediments towards genuine democracy as it bars all those parties and individuals from participating in the political process who do not support the idea of Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan and hence precludes all those who are in favor of PoK’s independence from Pakistan .
PoK `PMs’—replaced, dismissed, arrested
Power in PoK is exercised primarily through the Pakistani army’s General Headquarters in Rawalpindi and its corps commander based in the hill station of Murree, two hours by road from Muzaffarabad. During the rule of Pakistan’s first military leader, Ayub Khan (1958-68), President K.H. Khurshid of PoK was forced to resign by a mid-level police official and later jailed in Palandari and Dalai Camp. During Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government (1972-77), another president of PoK Sardar Qayyum, was suddenly arrested by a mid-level official of the Federal Security Forces in Muzaffarabad and subsequently dismissed. During General Zia-ul-Haq’s government (1977-88), Brig. Hayat Khan was appointed administrator PoK, a post he held for seven years. When a civilian government was reestablished in Pakistan in 1988, Benazir Bhutto’s swearing in as Prime Minister was shortly followed by the installation of an `elected government’ of Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party in PoK. When Bhutto was sacked by the president in 1990, PoK `Prime Minister’ Mumtaz Rathore was “escorted” to Islamabad in a helicopter and made to sign a letter of resignation.
Regarding PoK’s political party landscape, since the early 1990s real decision-making authority and the management of the “Kashmir struggle” has rested firmly with the Pakistani military through the ISI and ISI-backed militant organizations. The Pakistani bureaucracy is the real administrative power, the ISI and the Pakistan army exercise coercive power. And under the constitution, the elected representatives are subservient to the Kashmir Council controlled by Pakistan. High Court and Supreme Court Judges can only be appointed by approval of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. The Minister of Kashmir Affairs can dismiss the PoK’s `PM’, as can the Chief Secretary—another Islamabad appointee. Under Article 56, the President of Pakistan can dissolve the Legislative Assembly. Surely, this is truly a unique form of `self-rule’.
Singer Mohammed Rafi, (24 December 1924 – 31 July 1980) needs no introduction. His melodious songs speak about him and his personality! But how many of you know that Rafi, nicknamed as Pheeku, was introduced and groomed to world of music by a Kashmiri Pandit?
Yes,….that is indelible part of Rafi’s life and singing that most of us do not know. It was Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo, who had traced and groomed Rafi Saheb!
Who was Pt. Jeevan Lal Matoo?
Jeevan Lal Matoo belonged to a pre- Partition family of Kashmiri Pandits settled in Amritsar. A musicologist of the sub-continent, Matoo is known for his two outstanding students— Mohd Rafi and Sitar Maestro Mehmud Mirza. Pt Jeevan Lal’s ancestor—- Pandit Mehta Ram Matoo , a shawl trader , had actually moved to Amritsar city from Kashmir around nineteenth century. One of the members of Matoo family (Kashmiri Lal Matoo) had even donated about one kanal of land inside walled city of Amritsar (Present location Farid Chowk) in 1908 AD for construction of a community centre and a Shiva Temple, now known as Shivala Kashmiri Panditan.
Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo, a vocalist, had a profound knowledge of classical music and was associated with All India Radio (AIR). He had also set-up a community gathering at Shivala Kashmiri Panditan Lahore in Mohalla Sareen area of the city. This community centre for Kashmiri Pandits in Lahore was constructed by Raja Dina Nath Madan, the then Finance Minister in the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore.
Alas! The partition of the country proved to be a great setback for this music genius. He had to migrate to Delhi as a refugee from Lahore, where he joined Delhi Station of AIR. In Delhi, he founded Radio’s first National Orchestra called Akashvani Vadya Vrinda, which was later taken over by Sitar Maestro, Pandit Ravi Shanker who too had joined AIR, New Delhi as Music Director in 1950. Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo lived in the Independent India’s National Capital unnoticed. In India, he had tried to devote his time and energy to music only .However, he always missed his Lahore. Away from his Lahore, he always felt like in exile at Delhi!
Pt. Jeevan Lal Matoo, who served at AIR, Lahore from 1937 to 1947 and headed the music section, had secretly recorded a live radio broadcast of Khayal and Thumri rendering by Ustad Abdul Waheed Khan in 1947. Music lovers, the world over, remain indebted to this Kashmir legend for these recordings. The purpose for these secret recordings was to please Ustad Waheed Khan, who incidentally happened to be a Guru of Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo. Matoo was himself a great exponent of Kirana Gharana and had profound knowledge of Punjabi folk and Indian classical music.
Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo was married to Roopwanti Bakaya, daughter of Niranjan Nath Bakaya. Roopwanti died in New Delhi in 1973. Apart from Jawahar Matoo, Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo had another son –Moti Lal Matoo (1927 -2009) who had settled in Canada. Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo was closely related to the family of Justice Ram Narain Dar of Lahore. Kishen Narain Dar, son of Justice Ram Narain Dar served as superintendent of Police J&K, during the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh.
Pt Jeevan Lal’s contribution for All India Radio, Lahore
For AIR, Lahore, Jeevan Lal Matoo brought some noted Punjabi singers— Noor Jahan, Zeenat Begum, Ali Baksh Zahoor, S Mohinder, Assa Singh Mastaana, Vidya Nath Seth, Surinder Kaur, Prakash Kaur and Shiv Dayal Batish as contractual artists. Malika Pukhraj was already well known to him, as she was an approved singer of AIR, Lahore. Film music composers— Amar Nath, Gobind Ram and Dhani Ram were influenced by the music of Pandit Jeewan Lal Matoo. Noted Sitar player Mahmud Mirza was a direct disciple of Pandit Ji. Mohammad Rafi and Mehmud Mirza never forgot Jeevan Lal Matoo. Both would pay glowing tributes to their Guru both in private and public lives. Kartar Singh Duggal, well-known Punjabi writer, who also worked at AIR, Peshawar before Partition, would often say that everyone who rose to become someone in the music world during the early forties in undivided Punjab found himself indebted to Pandit Jeewan Lal Matoo of AIR, Lahore.
Discovering Mohammad Rafi
It was both destined and a chance for both Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo and Mohammad Rafi to meet each other! In 1943, Pt Jeewan Lal Matoo is reported to have gone out of his residence for a haircut at a barber’s shop in Lahore where a new helper (nickname Pheeku—Mohammad Rafi) to the main barber was singing Waris Shah’s `Heer’ in his style. Jeewan Lal Matoo was attracted to the voice quality of the boy whom he invited to AIR, Lahore for audition. The young Rafi cleared the audition in one go. So much was Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo impressed by the tonal quality of Rafi that he imparted some basic knowledge of classical music to the prospective singer at his residence.
The boy picked up very fast and was soon in the panel of approved artists of AIR, Lahore. Later, Matoo sent Rafi to Ustad Abdul Waheed Khan for regular training. This new singing sensation introduced by Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo was soon noticed by Lahore’s film Music Director, Shyam Sunder for his new film ‘Gul Baloch’. After Jeevan Lal Matoo’s help and training, this casual helper Pheeku at the Lahore saloon, who later moved to Mumbai, rose to unprecedented heights in the Indian film Industry to be known as Mohammad Rafi, the great singer!
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), which is a part of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, is 13,297 square kilometers in area and is divided into Muzaffarabad and Mirpur divisions. Political map of India also mentions Muzaffarabad and Mirpur as two districts of J&K. However, `authorities’ illegally controlling PoK since 1947, have further subdivided the region into eight administrative districts. These include Muzaffarabad, Neelum, Bagh, Poonch, and Sudhnutti districts of Muzaffarabad division and Mirpur, Kotli, and Bhimber districts of Mirpur district.
Muzaffarabad city is the `territory’s capital’. The population density is 246 persons per square kilometer, while as the literacy rate 60 percent which is higher than in Pakistan.
People of PoK are almost entirely Muslim. However, Islam or its sects are not the principal arbiters of identity in the region. The people comprise not only diverse tribal clans (biradari) but are culturally and linguistically markedly different from the Kashmiris of the central valley of Jammu and Kashmir. Cultural practice in PoK has more in common with Dogras and Punjabis than with the Kashmir valley.
Gujjaras, Mirpuri Jats, Rajputs of PoK
The illegally occupied territory is far from ethnically homogenous. The biradari is the overriding determinant of identity and power relationships within the socio-political landscape. While the Gujjars, numbering close to eight hundred thousand, are possibly the largest such group, historically the two most influential biradaris have been the Sudhans from the southeast (concentrated in Bagh district and Rawalakot subdivision of Poonch district) and the Rajputs who are spread out across the territory. Sudhans and Rajputs number, respectively, a little over and a little under half a million. Almost all of PoK’a politicians and leaders come from one of these two groups.
PoK is also home to approximately three hundred thousand Mirpuri Jats hailing from the southern part of the territory. Though the Mirpuris are the closest geographical and cultural relatives of the Potohari Punjabis, in recent decades they have chosen to define themselves increasingly as Kashmiris. Mirpuris have migrated to the United Kingdom (U.K.) in large numbers and constitute the overwhelming “Kashmiri presence” in that country. There are also a number of other small tribes and sub-tribes.
PoK has its own `Supreme Court’
Pakistan occupied Kashmir has a `parliamentary form of government’. The `president’ of PoK is the `constitutional’ head of the state, while the `Prime Minister’, supported by a `council of Minister’s, is the `chief executive’. PoK has its own self-styled `Supreme Court, High Court, and Legislative Assembly’ comprising forty-nine members, of whom forty-one are directly elected and eight are indirectly elected—the latter comprise a member each from the technocrats, scholars, and overseas Kashmiris, and five women. Under the current constitutional dispensation, twelve of the forty-eight seats in the Legislative Assembly are reserved for `Kashmiri refugees’ settled across Pakistan. Union Territory of J&K, has on the other hand, kept 24 Assembly seats reserved for people of PoK. The areas also has a multi-tiered system of local governance. All key administrative offices are, however, manned by Pakistani officials.
Economic exploitation of PoK
Like other parts of J&K, PoK is also rich with scenic beauty and natural resources. It has many rivers, lakes and streams flowing through it. But this water has been a continuing source of political tension between Kashmiris and Pakistan. The Mangla Dam project, which affects the waters of the Jhelum and Poonch rivers before they flow into Punjab in Pakistan, is a matter of concern as residents of PoK feel that Pakistan has been economically exploiting them.
Once upon a time, precisely in 1915, India was a leading producer of the harmonium! Yet, a quarter-century later, it became `untouchable’, so much so that All India Radio ( later called Akashvani) had to ban it in 1940 and the instrument, with a formal burial, was removed from all of its studious located in undivided India
John Foulds, who headed the Western music wing of All India Radio during its earlier days, believed the harmonium was mute on microtones that were so essential to Indian classical. Lionel Fielden, India’s first broadcasting chief on the request of so many Indian musicians, had to ban the harmonium in 1940 as he too had felt that it (harmonium) was not suitable to the tonal inflections of Indian classical music
AIR banished harmonium on March 1, 1940
Soon after Fielden ordered to ban harmonium, this keyboard instrument was banished and literary thrown away from the studios. Its last rites were symbolically performed at All India Radio Lahore by laying it to rest. Some newspapers of that era, also came out with cartoons and sketches, with other musical instruments telling harmonium “Dafa Ho jao”-(Go to the Hell)
Records available with www.kashmir-rechords.com reveal that historian Ananda Coomaraswami and even Jawaharlal Nehru as a freedom fighter too had found the harmonium `un-Indian’. Thus, the ban on the instrument sustained even after India’s Independence owing to the attitude of Information and Broadcasting Minister BV Keskar, a student of scholarly vocalist VN Bhatkhande. During the Indian independence Movement, both British and Indian scholars condemned the harmonium for embodying an unwelcome foreign musical sensibility
Popularity of Harmonium
Harmonium, developed by French inverter was once very popular musical instrument in the mid-19th century. Considered a cheaper and more durable alternative to organs and harpsichords, as the latter two often finished the long voyage east warped and unplayable, Indian craftsmen had quickly learned to manufacture harmoniums, and soon their compatriots incorporated the instrument into performances of Indian classical music. In comparison to traditional instruments, the harmonium was easy to tune and a cinch to learn to play. However, as the harmonium became a target of `anti-colonialists’, All-India Radio, the influential state-run broadcaster had to ban it from its programs.
Lifting of ban on Harmonium
The ban was loosened in 1970, after critics argued that the harmonium “should not be treated as an ‘untouchable.’
As elites have struggled to cleanse modern Indian music of what they argue is a “foreign” intruder, the masses have used the harmonium as a gateway to an understanding of their musical heritage. Critics opined that harmonium was considered well suited to teaching the fundamentals of Indian musical grammar and to accompanying choral groups—thus needed recognition and not the ban.
Today, the harmonium in India thrives in a range of systems: Hindustani, Carnatic, Qawwali, Ghazal, Bhajans, Church choir and Sikh Gurbani besides several traditional and folk music. Even so, solo harmonium concerts continue to be rare on AIR.
Was Jesus Christ in Kashmir during the “lost” years? Some scholars believe so. Did Jesus visit Kashmir as some books claim? Does a tomb – Rozabal, near Srinagar exists in his name as the story of one Hollywood film tried to project? Are you aware of a Kolkata based filmmaker Subhrajit Mitra who tried to trace Christ’s ‘India trail’ in his film “The Unknown Stories of the Messiah”? Did Christ visit India after his crucifixion? What is your take on all such issues?
Was Jesus buried at Rozabal, Srinagar?
Whatever could be the fact, the Rozabal shrine in downtown Srinagar is an object of curiosity. According to one theory, Jesus did not die at the Cross and was buried here carrying the name of Yuzu Assef. It is believed by some that a wandering mystic (Christ) travelled across India, lived in Buddhist monasteries, spoke against the iniquities of the country’s caste system and lived as a shepherd along the vast banks of the brooks in the beautiful vale of Kashmir.
On a routine visit to the tomb at Rozabal, one is greeted with a green signboard written in Urdu and English referring to it by the name of “Yuz Asaph”. It is situated in the thickly populated locality with a “Martyrs’ graveyard’’ on its one side and a Muslim shrine of Dastagir Sahib in its close vicinity. The Muslim shrine, unlike Rozabal tomb, is frequently visited by devotees. The management of
this Muslim shrine is believed taking care of Rozabal as well.
The period in the life of Christ from the age of 13 to 30 is amazingly vague in the Gospels and other chronicles on his life. However, the theory that he spent those years in Kashmir has provoked a section of the Christian community to term it as total heresy. Who term it just “fantasy and fiction.”
“The very essence of Christianity depends on Christ’s fructification and historically, Saint Helena found the original Cross while digging at the Mount Calvary,’’ some counter, who however opined that Christ may or may not have visited Kashmir but no Christian believes that his tomb exists in the Valley.
What do History Books say about Christ’s Kashmir Sojourn?
Hollywood’s interest in attributing Christ to Kashmir is not the first instance. The theory that Christ’s teachings had roots in Indian traditions has been around for more than a century. In 1894 a Russian doctor, Nicholas Notovitch in his book “The Unknown Life of Christ’’ claimed that while recovering from a broken leg in a Tibetan monastery in Ladakh, he had been shown evidence of Christ’s Indian wanderings. He claimed that he was shown a scroll recording a visit by young Jesus to India and Tibet. In 1908, Francis Younghusband, a traveller to Kashmir mentioned in his book `Kashmir’ about Rozabal and Christ connection.
Aziz Mohd a historian from Kashmir mentions Christ having lived in Ladakh monasteries and Kashmir in his book `Israr-e-Kashmir’.
Fida Hassnain, former director of archaeology, Kashmir, who has written books on the legend of Jesus in India, points out in one of his books that there was extensive traffic between the Mediterranean and India around the time of Jesus’ life.
Aziz Hajni, author of `Jesus Lived in India’ in his 160 page book argues that Jesus survived the crucifixion and travelled to Kashmir and died at a ripe age.
In 1995, a German religious expert, Holger Kersten, claimed that Jesus had been schooled by Buddhist monks to believe in non-violence and to challenge the priesthood. Kersten’s book remains a bestseller in India.
A website on Christ’s tomb in Kashmir claims to have ‘‘historical and well-documented proof’’ to establish that Christ visited Kashmir and has a tomb at Rozabal. Besides the existing works, the website mentions Bhavishya Maha Purana claiming that the manuscript carries the name of Jessu “ the teacher and founder of the religion, who was born miraculously, proclaimed himself the Saviour of the world and survived in Asia, for a long period.’’
J&K Archaeology department’s former Deputy Director opines that archeologically there is no proof of Christ having a tomb in Srinagar. “Kashmir has had a tradition of documenting history since times immemorial. There should have been at least some mention of Rozabal or Christ’s visit to the valley in Pt Kalhana’s Rajatarangini,” which is a point of reference for Kashmir’s history.
K N Pandita, former Director of Central Asian Studies, Kashmir University, is of the opinion that the issue remains an open subject and scholars ought to focus attention on a comprehensive and convincing research. According to him, the word Rozabal comprises two parts; Roza (of Arabic origin Rawzah meaning a garden or a spot) and Bal is a Kashmrised Sanskrit word used as place- suffix meaning where water is close by. “Perhaps the water stream once called mar ran close to present day Rozabal. But I believe that it was a Hindu or Buddhist shrine and later taken over.”
Once the stronghold of the militants, the Khanyar area of Srinagar that has Rozabal as one of the mohallas, however, dons the same everyday look even after so many sophisticated cameras zoom on its highly congested lanes and by lanes. Shopkeepers at Khanyar Chowk are nostalgic of those peaceful days when foreign tourists, mostly Christians in large numbers, would visit Kashmir and Rozabal on summer holidays and would generate employment for some unemployed youth in the city.
Many share that wish every four seasons of Kashmir!
On September 23, 1988, a year and more than a month before Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo was assassinated in Srinagar, terrorists came to his doorstep.
They did not come secretly.
According to a contemporary report published by Kashmir Times on September 23, 1988, (copy of the same preserved by Kashmir Rechords, unidentified gunmen riding a motorcycle had opened automatic fire at the residence of the retired Sessions Judge in Srinagar. Judge Ganjoo was not inside the house when the firing began.
The bullets struck the wooden guard post outside the residence. Fortunately, nobody was injured. But the significance of the attack lay far beyond the bullets that missed their intended target.
The newspaper reported that senior police officials rushed to Neelkanth Ganjoo’s residence, which had already come under attack at least four times earlier also. On one previous occasion, hand grenades had been hurled at the building. The report further stated that the residence had been guarded by police since that earlier attack and that sniffer dogs had been pressed into service.
Yet the attackers had returned.And this time, they came with automatic weapons.
Neelkanth Ganjoo Srinagar attack 1988
The headline in the Kashmir Times was stark: “Terrorists strike again in Srinagar.” The smaller line above it was even more specific: “Firing on retired judge’s house.”
The eyewitness account published alongside the headline said that two men on a motorcycle, wearing black face masks, sprayed bullets at the building without stopping. They had apparently come from the Kak Sarai side and disappeared near the Goal Market crossing.
The guard on duty, identified in the report as Ghulam Mohammad, said he could only see a pall of dust rising around his wooden post before he realised what had happened.
The implication was unmistakable: there was police protection, but the presence of a guard did not prevent the gunmen from reaching the house, firing at it and escaping.
The newspaper also reported that the empties recovered from the scene resembled those found after an earlier firing at Magharmal Bagh. According to the report, the cartridges were from a “Kalashnikov” rifle, capable of firing as many as seventy rounds in a single burst.
This was therefore not merely a warning shot.It was an armed attack on the residence of a man whose life had already been repeatedly threatened.
A target already under protection
Perhaps the most important detail in the 1988 report is not the firing itself, but what had happened before it. The authorities already knew that Judge Ganjoo was being targeted.
That raises an uncomfortable question.If a retired judge had already survived repeated attacks, if grenades had previously been thrown at his residence, if police protection had been considered necessary, and if the attackers continued to return—how adequately was the threat being assessed and neutralised?
The September 1988 report provides no evidence that Judge Ganjoo was completely without security. On the contrary, it explicitly says that police guards were posted there.
But it provides equally striking evidence that the security arrangement was proving ineffective. The attackers were able to approach the residence, open automatic fire and disappear.
The fifth attack—and still no breakthrough
The Kashmir Times report described the September 23, 1988 attack as at least the fifth assault on Ganjoo’s residence.
It also placed the attack in a wider pattern of escalating terrorism in Srinagar. It also gives significant inputs that situation in Kashmir had already deteriorated even in September 1988! This is evident from the fact that the newspaper report observes that terrorists appeared to have gained an “edge over the police” by choosing their targets and striking when they wished. It referred to attacks elsewhere in the Valley and noted the growing sense of helplessness among people as the authorities struggled to track down the perpetrators.
Ganjoo’s house was, therefore, not an isolated incident.It was part of a deteriorating security environment in which known targets were being repeatedly attacked.
The newspaper’s account is especially revealing because it was published while Neelkanth Ganjoo was still alive. It was not written retrospectively after his assassination. It recorded, in real time, the fact that a retired judge who had already survived several attempts on his life remained vulnerable.
From attempted killing to successful assassination
The warning contained in that September 1988 newspaper report would acquire a chilling significance thirteen months later.
On November 4, 1989, the terrorists succeeded.
Three gunmen confronted Ganjoo in the Hari Singh High Street area of Srinagar and shot him at close range in broad daylight. Contemporary and later accounts identify his judicial role in the Maqbool Butt case as the central motive associated with the assassination. (Read more about his legacy and the aftermath: The Judge Who Stood for Justice, Now Awaits His Own) Judge Ganjoo had presided over Butt’s trial in the 1960s and had sentenced him to death in August 1968 for the murder of police officer Amar Chand. The sentence was subsequently upheld by the Supreme Court.
A newspaper clipping that changes the chronology
For years, the story of Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo has understandably been remembered primarily through the horrifying images of November 4, 1989—the retired judge being gunned down in broad daylight.
But this September 23, 1988 clipping changes the chronology.
It shows that the assassination had a long prelude. Judge Ganjoo had already been attacked repeatedly. His home had already been subjected to grenade attacks. Police had already been deployed. Sniffer dogs had already been used. The attackers had already demonstrated their ability to reach him.
And on September 23, 1988, they came again. They fired automatic weapons at his residence. They missed him. He survived. For another thirteen months, he remained alive.
Then, on November 4, 1989, the terrorists found him outside the protection of his residence and killed him in the heart of Srinagar.
The 1988 newspaper report therefore deserves to be read not merely as an account of another terrorist attack, but as an early warning preserved in print.
It records a threat that was already visible.
It records a target who had already been repeatedly chosen.
It records security that was already in place—but apparently unable to stop the attackers.
And, in retrospect, it records something even more tragic:
Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo survived the warning. The system did not prevent the eventual killing.
More than three decades later, the State Investigation Agency reopened the murder case and sought information from the public in 2023 to uncover what it described as the “larger criminal conspiracy” behind Ganjoo’s assassination.
The September 23, 1988 newspaper clipping now adds another important piece to that historical record.
It shows that the question was never simply who eventually killed Justice Ganjoo.There is also a deeper historical question:
How did a man whose life had already been repeatedly targeted, whose residence had already been attacked and whose security had already been considered necessary remain vulnerable long enough for the terrorists to finally succeed?
Kashmir, August 1953. The political drama surrounding Jammu & Kashmir in 1953 was not confined to the larger questions of accession, autonomy and the struggle for political power. Beneath the grand political rhetoric lay another story—one of appointments, promotions, influence and alleged patronage.
A remarkable report published in the Blitz issue of 22 August 1953, under the provocative headline “Beggar’s Opera”, turned its attention to the alleged influence of the family and associates of Mirza Afzal Beg, then a prominent Minister in Sheikh Abdullah’s government.
The report opened with a bitter proverb attributed to the situation:‘If you are a Beg, you cannot remain unemployed’
It was clearly written as satire. But behind the sarcasm was a serious allegation: that government employment and positions of influence had allegedly become accessible to people because of their family connection with a powerful political figure.
Mirza Afzal Beg’s family tree in the Administration
The Blitz veteran correspondent, A. Raghavan, claimed that a closer examination of the careers of people described as relatives or associates of Mirza Afzal Beg revealed a striking pattern.
One of the examples cited was Ghulam Mohamed Beg, described as the Minister’s elder brother. According to the report, he had been an Assistant Inspector of Cooperatives before the political changes of the late 1940s. The newspaper alleged that he subsequently rose to the position of Chief Procurement Officer and later became Registrar of Cooperatives, allegedly superseding senior officers.
From Mulberry to Broadcasting
Another relative, Ghulam Hassan Beg, described as Beg’s brother-in-law, was said to have been working in the Mulberry Culture Department. The report claimed that during the Emergency period he was promoted as Director of Radio Kashmir.
The newspaper’s sarcasm was unmistakable:“From Mulberry to Broadcasting is a far cry, but then he was a Beg, after all!”
The point was not merely that a person had changed departments. The allegation was that political proximity could make otherwise unlikely career movements possible.
Full Report of Blitz, Page 3 , August 22, 1953
The uncle who held several positions
The report then turned to Ghulam Mohamed Beg II, identified as an uncle.
According to the article, he occupied or was associated with a remarkable collection of positions in Anantnag. The list included the secretaryship of the Kashmir National Conference in the Anantnag district, presidency of the Anantnag Cooperative Bank, chairmanship of the Anantnag Town Committee and vice-chairmanship of the Anantnag Education Board.
The Blitz alleged that these were nominated positions and that the individual received honoraria from them.
Once such a system takes root, merit becomes secondary to connection
In other words, the newspaper was portraying something more consequential than one questionable appointment. It was suggesting the creation of a network of political influence, stretching from the party organisation into cooperative institutions, local bodies and educational administration.
Relatives spread across the machinery of Govt
The report continued with a catalogue of people carrying the surname Beg.
Mohd. Ibrahim Beg, described as a cousin, was said to have been made a Divisional Forest Officer.
Mohd. Amin Beg, according to the report, had been a policeman who was subsequently promoted to Inspector.
It further named Bashir Ahmed Beg, Salim Beg, Nazir Beg and Akhtar Beg, alleging that they had found positions in institutions and departments including the State Militia, Cooperatives, Forest Department and Jail Administration.
Whether every allegation made by the newspaper was correct is a matter for archival verification. But the very existence of such a detailed contemporary report is historically significant. It shows that allegations of nepotism and political patronage were already being publicly discussed in Jammu & Kashmir in 1953.
Political and family power
The most disturbing aspect of the report was that it did not stop with government employment. It alleged that political influence could also be used to control local political competition.
The article referred to another relative in connection with the National Conference organisation and alleged that a rival worker who stood for election to a party position was arrested on what the newspaper described as a false pretext.
This allegation, if corroborated through official records, would demonstrate something much larger than ordinary nepotism: the alleged use of state or political machinery to protect a local patronage network.
That is why this forgotten clipping deserves attention today.
Ghulam Mohammad Chicken episode
The newspaper also singled out Ghulam Mohammad Chicken, described as a class fellow of Mirza Sahib.
According to the report, Chicken had been an Income-Tax officer during the earlier regime and was portrayed as a strong opponent of the Muslim Conference. The Blitz alleged that he subsequently became District Magistrate and Collector of Anantnag.
The report made serious allegations concerning the disposal of paddy and the sharing of proceeds with forest labour, claiming that National Conference workers eventually pressed for an enquiry and that Chicken was removed from the post.
It further alleged that he was subsequently made Custodian of Evacuee Property in Jammu but remained in Srinagar.
These are particularly serious accusations and should be treated strictly as claims made by the 1953 newspaper, not as established facts unless supported by administrative records, enquiry reports or other independent contemporary sources.
The bigger question: what happened to merit?
The real historical significance of the Blitz article lies beyond the individual names.
The emerging political order in Jammu & Kashmir had promised ordinary people a new beginning. The old feudal and autocratic structures were supposed to give way to a system based on popular representation, equality and social justice.
But the newspaper was asking an uncomfortable question:
What happens when the people who come to power in the name of the common man begin creating their own circles of privilege?
The accusation was that political power had allegedly begun reproducing itself through relatives, friends, party workers and loyalists.
A government office could become a source of patronage. A cooperative institution could become a political base. A nominated local position could become a source of influence. A departmental promotion could become a reward for proximity.
And once such a system takes root, merit becomes secondary to connection.
The irony of 1953
The timing makes the article even more fascinating.
The report appeared on August 22, 1953, only thirteen days after Sheikh Abdullah was removed from the premiership. Mirza Afzal Beg, the central figure in the article, had been Sheikh Abdullah’s Revenue Minister. Contemporary records confirm that Beg was a prominent member of Abdullah’s government.
The political crisis of August 1953 was therefore unfolding simultaneously with a public debate about the functioning of the administration itself. Contemporary correspondence preserved in the Nehru Archive also records serious internal conflicts within the Jammu & Kashmir government during this period.
This makes the Blitz clipping more than an amusing old newspaper cutting.
It is a contemporary window into how politics and administration were being perceived at the time.
Lesson for today’s generation
For today’s generation, the lesson is not that every person named in the article was guilty of nepotism. Nor should an old newspaper allegation be transformed into historical fact merely because it fits a modern political argument.
The lesson is more fundamental.
Political slogans can promise revolution, equality and empowerment. But institutions are ultimately judged by what happens to jobs, promotions, public money and administrative power.
The history of Jammu & Kashmir should, therefore, not be remembered only through speeches, political movements and competing narratives about India, Pakistan or independence.
It should also be examined through the mundane records of government—who was appointed, who was promoted, who received nominated positions, who was removed, who benefited and whose relatives entered the system.
That is where political rhetoric meets ordinary life.
And the Blitz report of August 22, 1953 leaves behind a particularly uncomfortable question:
Did the people of Jammu & Kashmir replace one system of privilege with another—or did the new political class genuinely create the merit-based, democratic administration it had promised?
More than seven decades later, that question deserves to be answered not through political speeches, but through the archives.
Editorial Disclaimer
Kashmir Rechords is reproducing and presenting this story solely as an archival record of a report published in Blitz on August 22,1953, with the intention of bringing a little-known historical document to the notice of readers who may not have been aware of it. Kashmir Rechords does not independently vouch for the truth or accuracy of the allegations contained in the original report, nor does its publication imply endorsement of, or attribution of any motive to, any individual or organisation mentioned therein. Readers are encouraged to view the material in the historical and journalistic context of the period in which it was originally published.
There is a remarkable story buried in the early history of Indian cinema — a story in which Kashmir played a starring role in India’s journey into colour filmmaking.
More than seven decades ago, filmmaker Ezra Mir brought a film crew to Kashmir to make Pamposh, an ambitious feature designed to demonstrate that India could produce, process and print a full-colour feature film domestically.
Shot on location in Kashmir in 1951–52, using Belgian Gevacolor film stock and processed at Bombay’s newly established Film Centre laboratory, Pamposhacquired a landmark position in Indian cinema. Contemporary publicity described it as the “first full colour feature film to be produced, processed and printed in this country.” Recent scholarship describes it as the first colour feature film domestically produced and processed in postcolonial India.
This needs one historical qualification. India had experimented with colour much earlier, including Sairandhri (1933) and Kisan Kanya (1937). Those films, however, are now considered lost. Pamposh‘s particular distinction is that it was the first colour feature domestically produced and processed in post-Independence India.
And here lies the extraordinary irony: The film made to demonstrate colour has itself lost its colours.
No colour print of Pamposhis now known to survive. The National Film Archive of India reportedly has no visual material from the film. What survives instead are photographs, a poster, music, newspaper and magazine references, paper ephemera and memories.
For Kashmiris, therefore, Pamposhis not simply a forgotten film.It is a lost visual memory of Kashmir.
Kashmir’s vibrant natural palette—its lakes, gardens, and sunlight—provided the perfect setting to demonstrate the capabilities of the new Gevacolor film stock
When Kashmir became India’s colour laboratory
In the early 1950s, colour filmmaking in India was still technologically difficult and expensive.
Bombay filmmakers often had to send exposed colour negatives abroad for processing. In 1952, Film Centre in Bombay became the first colour laboratory in Asia and the first outside Europe and the United States, according to the recent research.
Its establishment was an important technological step for the young Republic.But a new laboratory needed to prove itself.
Producer Ambalal J. Patel, who was closely associated with Film Centre and was India’s agent for Belgian Gevacolor, decided to demonstrate the laboratory’s capabilities through a feature film.
That film became Pamposh.The choice of Kashmir was inspired.
If you wanted to demonstrate colour, where could you find a more spectacular natural palette? The green of the valley.The blue waters of Dal Lake.Lotus flowers. Gardens. Mountains. Houseboats and of course Sunlight.Kashmir offered almost everything a colour cinematographer could desire.
Researchers Kirsty Sinclair Dootson and Poorvi Gaur, in their detailed 2025 study published in BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies, explain that Pamposhwas conceived as a demonstration film for Film Centre’s new colour-processing facilities. Kashmir was chosen both for its landscape and for climatic conditions considered closer to those for which Gevacolor had been designed.Kashmir was not merely the setting. It was part of the experiment.
Pamposh Production Team in Dal Lake.1951-52
Ezra Mir arrives in Kashmir
The man chosen to direct the experiment was Ezra Mir, one of the pioneering figures of Indian cinema.
Born Edwyn Myers in Calcutta in 1903, Mir had worked as an actor and Editor in the United States before returning to India and directing feature films.
He subsequently became deeply involved in documentary filmmaking.
By the time he came to Kashmir, he had acquired an important reputation as a filmmaker with a strong documentary sensibility. He later became Chief Producer of Films Division in 1956.
That background matters. Pamposh was a fiction film, but it was made with an unusual insistence on real locations and naturalism.
According to the research, Mir reportedly “walked around the lake for weeks for atmosphere and inspiration” before developing the film.
The cinematography was handled by Italian cameraman Carlos Marconi.
Producer Ambalal J. Patel, director Ezra Mir and Marconi became the central figures behind the Kashmir production.
And Kashmir itself became their studio.
A rare 1953 photograph: Ezra Mir with a mysterious Kashmiri girl
Among the surviving traces of Pamposh,Kashmir Rechords possesses a particularly valuable contemporary record.
The January 24, 1953 issue of Blitz carried a photograph of Ezra Mir sitting beside a young girl dressed in Kashmiri robes and garments.
Director Ezra Mir with one of his characters in Pamposh. Published in Blitz, January 24, 1953.
The Blitz caption does not identify the girl by name.That is important.
There is, therefore, no basis for automatically identifying her as Mogli, the film’s central child character, even though the film’s surviving records identify Mogli as a local non-actor of the same name.
What the photograph does establish is equally valuable: in January 1953, Ezra Mir and a young Kashmiri-attired girl connected with Pamposh were being presented to the public while the film was still fresh in the public eye.For Kashmir Rechords, this is not merely an illustration.It is contemporary primary-source evidence
And perhaps the unidentified girl herself is another lost thread waiting to be recovered. Who was she? Was she an actor? Was she a local participant in the production? Was she playing one of the unnamed characters? Did her family know that her photograph had appeared alongside Ezra Mir in a national publication?
The archive leaves the question open.
Shooting Kashmir in the real world
The filmmakers wanted Pamposhto look like Kashmir — not a studio version of Kashmir. The production was shot on location between 1951 and 1952.Dal Lake became the principal stage.
Houseboats became locations.Boats became camera platforms.The crew had to cope with the practical difficulties of filming on water while handling equipment and colour stock.
One particularly important photograph shows Ezra Mir, Carlos Marconi and Ambalal J. Patel together on location in Kashmir. The image was reproduced by Dootson and Gaur from Frederick Foster’s 1954 account.
For today’s Kashmir, such a photograph has value far beyond cinema history.It records how Kashmir looked to a film crew in the early 1950s.
The story of Mogli
Behind the technological experiment was a deeply human story. The central character was Mogli, a mute orphan girl who lived around Dal Lake.
According to the surviving research, Mogli was played by a local non-actor of the same name. She became the adopted daughter of Kassim, a poor houseboat owner, and lived with his wife and biological daughter Naseem.
Mogli earns a meagre living selling flowers. She finds comfort in nature — birds, butterflies, frogs and fish — and in the mysterious Old Man of the Lake, played by Siddiq Chellah.
He tells her stories about the Frog King, who lives in a magical underwater kingdom where kindness rules and suffering does not exist.
But Mogli’s real life is far less magical.Her foster mother mistreats her and blames the child for the family’s misfortunes.
Then comes tragedy!
For Kashmiris, Pamposh is not simply a forgotten film. It is a lost visual memory of Kashmir.
After a fire on the family houseboat, Mogli leaves in her canoe, determined to find the mythical kingdom of the Frog King. She disappears.
Her family and the Old Man search for her, but find only her doll. Mogli is presumed drowned.The irony is striking.
A story about a child disappearing into the waters of Dal Lake was itself eventually to disappear into the waters of history.
Why the name Pamposh?
The title has an unmistakable Kashmiri resonance. Pamposh means lotus. The lotus is inseparable from the imagery of Kashmir’s lakes, particularly Dal Lake.
It was, therefore, an appropriate title for a film whose story unfolded among lotus blooms and whose principal purpose was to demonstrate the possibilities of colour.
The surviving research notes that contemporary promotional material celebrated Kashmir’s flowers and gardens as ideal subjects for the new Gevacolor process.
A Kashmiri musical connection
The Kashmir connection did not end with the scenery.
The official Cannes Film Festival archive credits Mohan Lal Aima and Cecil Mendoza with the music of Pamposh. Aima’s name gives the film an important Kashmiri cultural dimension.
The valley was not simply being photographed as a beautiful landscape; a Kashmiri musician was associated with its musical identity as well.
Yet the precise nature of Aima’s contribution remains an area deserving further research. Did he compose original music?Did he incorporate Kashmiri melodies?
Were songs from the film recorded separately? Are any recordings, manuscripts or family papers still available? These are questions that Kashmir Rechords believes deserve investigation.
From Dal Lake to Cannes
After its Kashmir production, Pamposh travelled far beyond India.
The official Cannes archive records Pamposh: Fleur de Lotus as a 1954 Indian feature film in competition.
It identifies:
Director: Ezra Mir Screenplay: Ezra Mir Cinematography: C. F. Marconi Music: Mohanlal Aima and Cecil Mendoza.
The Cannes record also lists the principal cast, including Savitri, Ravi Vinod, Pandit Kaul, Mogli, Siddiq Chella, B. Billimoria and Violet Smith.
Thus the journey of Pamposh can be traced in three words:Kashmir. Bombay. Cannes.
For a film made on the waters of Dal Lake in the early 1950s, that was an extraordinary journey.
Cruel irony: the colour film that lost its colours
Today, Pamposh is considered a lost film. The recent scholarly investigation found that no colour materials from the film have survived. The National Film Archive of India holds no visual material on it, while surviving traces exist in other forms.
Yet fragments have survived in European collections.
The Cinémathèque française holds publicity stills.
The British Film Institute holds production material.
The researchers also found a surviving Pamposh poster and other paper ephemera.
And so we have an extraordinary situation:
We have photographs of a film that we can no longer watch.
Even more ironically, a film created to demonstrate colour is now remembered principally through black-and-white photographs and printed material.
The photographs that survived
The recent SAGE study by Kirsty Sinclair Dootson and Poorvi Gaur has brought together some of the most important surviving visual traces of Pamposh.
Kashmir Rechords is grateful to the authors and SAGE Publications for making this scholarship accessible and for documenting these rare images.
Among the most evocative are:
The Pamposh publicity stills preserved by the Cinémathèque française;
The image of Mogli and the Old Man of the Lake;
Photographs showing the houseboat fire and its aftermath;
and the production photograph of Ezra Mir, Carlos Marconi and Ambalal J. Patel in Kashmir.
Image credit: From Dootson & Gaur, “A History of Colour Cinema That Can Account for Indian Cinema: The Bombay Film Laboratory, Kashmir’s Climate and Gevacolor’s Pamposh,” BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies, 2025, SAGE Publications; original archival collection credited by the authors.
The Cinémathèque française stills are specifically identified in the SAGE article as “Collection La Cinémathèque française, all rights reserved.”
A film made at a turning point in Kashmir’s history
There is yet another reason Pamposh deserves attention.
The film was made in 1951–52, only a few years after the events of 1947 and during a period when Kashmir’s political future remained intensely contested.
The recent SAGE study goes beyond film history and argues that the choice of Kashmir was connected not only to climate and scenery but also to a wider ideological effort to strengthen India’s claims to Kashmir amid the geopolitical conflict over the region.
This is an interpretation offered by the researchers, and it should be read as such.
But it adds another layer to the film. Pamposh can simultaneously be understood as:
a pioneering colour experiment; a showcase for India’s new film-processing capabilities; a story of a Kashmiri child; a portrait of Dal Lake;
a record of early-1950s Kashmir; an international film that reached Cannes; and a cultural document shaped by the politics of its time.
That complexity makes it far more interesting than a forgotten film title in an old catalogue.
Did Kashmiris get to see it?
There is evidence that Pamposh was screened in Kashmir itself.
This raises questions that remain largely unexplored. How did Srinagar audiences receive Pamposh? Did they recognise the locations? Did they recognise the people?
What did Kashmiris think of hearing Kashmiri dialogue in an Indian feature film?
Did local newspapers review it? How many shows were held? And did anyone in Srinagar preserve photographs, tickets, advertisements or programmes?
For Kashmir Rechords, these questions are as important as the film’s journey to Cannes.
Was Pamposh India’s first colour film?
This is where historical precision matters.
It would be inaccurate to say simply that Pamposh was the first colour film ever made in India.
India had colour experiments before it.
But Pamposh holds a more specific and equally important distinction:
It was the first colour feature film domestically produced and processed in post-Independence India.
The SAGE study describes it as having this “privileged status”, while contemporary press coverage called it the first full-colour feature film to be produced, processed and printed in the country.
And that milestone has a remarkable Kashmir connection.
One of the foundational moments in India’s post-Independence colour cinema was created on the waters and shores of Kashmir.
Could the lost film still be found?
“Lost” does not always mean destroyed. Sometimes it means untraced.
A print, negative, foreign-language version, duplicate or fragment could still conceivably exist in a private collection, foreign archive, old distributor’s vault or uncatalogued repository.
Even if the complete film never resurfaces, fragments may. A song. A photograph. A pressbook. A cinema ticket. A newspaper advertisement. A letter. A personal album.
A film reel. Each could restore another piece of the story.
Kashmir Rechords appeals for the missing pieces
Kashmir Rechords would particularly like to hear from readers who may possess any material connected with Pamposh or Ezra Mir.
The unidentified girl in the 1953 Blitz photograph is one such unanswered question.
Perhaps someone will recognise her. Perhaps her family has a photograph. Perhaps another newspaper carried her name. Sometimes history survives in the memories of ordinary families long after official archives have forgotten it.
Pamposh was not simply a film made in Kashmir. It was one of the earliest attempts to put Kashmir itself — its lake, landscape, people and colours — onto the moving screen at a crucial moment in India’s cinematic history.
The film is gone. The colours are gone. But the search need not end.
Perhaps one day, the lost colours of Pamposh will return to Kashmir.
Sources and acknowledgements
Primary archival source: Blitz, 24 January 1953 — photograph and caption: “Ezra Mir with one of his characters in Pamposh, a film of which he has good reason to be proud.” Photograph supplied from the Kashmir Rechords archival collection.
Principal scholarly source: Kirsty Sinclair Dootson and Poorvi Gaur, “A History of Colour Cinema That Can Account for Indian Cinema: The Bombay Film Laboratory, Kashmir’s Climate and Gevacolor’s Pamposh,”BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies, Volume 16, Issue 1, 2025. The article was first published online on 11 May 2025 and is Open Access.
Official film record: Festival de Cannes, Pamposh (Pamposh: Fleur de Lotus), 1954. The official Cannes archive records the director, screenplay, cinematography, music and cast.
Image acknowledgement: Kashmir Rechords acknowledges the research and archival work of Kirsty Sinclair Dootson and Poorvi Gaur and SAGE Publications, whose 2025 study has brought together rare surviving visual and documentary traces of Pamposh.
Where images reproduced in the SAGE article originate from third-party collections, the original archive/rightsholder also stand credited. The SAGE article identifies, among others, Collection La Cinémathèque française, the British Film Institute and Fotomuseum Antwerp/Agfa-Gevaert Historical Collection as sources for its figures.
*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran journalist, broadcaster, author and media researcher with over three decades of experience. A Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication, he began his career with Kashmir Times and later served as Special Correspondent with Daily Excelsior, heading its Kashmir Desk during the peak years of militancy. He also contributed on art, culture and heritage to The Tribune. He later served with All India Radio/Prasar Bharati. He is the author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War and writes extensively on Kashmir’s history, culture, media and archival heritage.
There are stories history records. There are others history owes itself the duty to recover. The story of Din Mohammad Jagir belongs to the second category.
In official records of the Government of India, he is simply “Shri Mohammad Din Jagir, Jammu and Kashmir — Padma Shree, 1966, Social Work.” Behind those few words, however, lies an extraordinary and almost forgotten episode of the 1965 India-Pakistan war.
Mohammad Din Jagir, the Gujjar shepherd whose timely intelligence thwarted Pakistan’s Operation Gibraltar in 1965. (Kashmir Rechords Archive)
The shepherd who exposed Operation Gibraltar
Mohammad Din was a Gujjar shepherd from the Tangmarg-Gulmarg area of Kashmir. On August 5, 1965, as Pakistan launched Operation Gibraltar, he encountered armed infiltrators who had crossed into Kashmir to mingle with the local population, win support, create an uprising and prepare the ground for Pakistan’s military intervention.
According to 1960s records available with Kashmir Rechords, Mohammad Din, (Also written as Din Mohammad) was among the first Kashmiris to detect the infiltrators. They sought his assistance in arranging Kashmiri clothing so they could disguise themselves and move among the local population. They offered him money. He refused to cooperate and decided to inform the authorities.
He took the information to the local CID officer at Tangmarg, who passed it to CID headquarters in Srinagar. Because of its gravity, the information reached the Home Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, who conveyed it to the GOC of the Army Division at Baramulla.
Archival document detailing Mohammad Din’s crucial role in detecting and reporting Pakistani infiltrators during the 1965 war. (Kashmir Rechords Archive)
By the afternoon of August 5, 1965, the Home Minister and Army GOC had reached Tangmarg and met Mohammad Din. Army patrols were despatched, the presence of infiltrators was verified, and shelling was undertaken at Dhanwas and other locations, scattering the infiltrating column. The intelligence network was alerted.
Pakistan’s carefully planned covert operation had been exposed almost at its inception.
Mohammad Din had struck the first blow—not with a weapon, but with information.
Pakistan’s plans betrayed prematurely
Operation Gibraltar depended on secrecy. Thousands of trained infiltrators had crossed into Jammu and Kashmir to sabotage installations, disrupt communications, attack strategic targets and, above all, ignite a popular uprising against India.
Instead of the mass uprising Pakistan anticipated, information about infiltrators began reaching Indian authorities. The contemporary account preserved by Kashmir Rechords says Mohammad Din’s information “betray[ed] the Pakistani plans prematurely,” enabling the State Government and Army to take effective counter-measures.
Pakistan had expected local support. Instead, it encountered hostility—or, as the account describes it, “a stony indifference.”
That was the beginning of the failure of Operation Gibraltar.
From shepherd to Padma Shri
India did not forget Mohammad Din immediately. In 1966, the Government of India conferred upon him the Padma Shri for Social Work. The 1966 Padma Awards Gazette records: “Shri Mohammad Din Jagir, Jammu and Kashmir.”
A man from a nomadic pastoral community, without a powerful institutional position or prominent public profile, had performed an act of national importance and received national recognition.
Yet history did not preserve his story with the same care.
The account by D. P. Dhar describes him after the honour returning to his vocation of tending cattle, apparently unaffected by the recognition.
Twice received by Indira Gandhi
According to a Kashmir Times report of May 4, 1990, preserved by Kashmir Rechords, Indira Gandhi had visited Mohammad Din’s house twice during her tenure as Prime Minister. Chief Minister, G M Sadiq too had met the saviour of Kashmir in 1965. Kashmir Rechords is reproducing here an exclusive photograph of Chief Minister Sadiq with Din Mohammad.
Mohammad Din (left) in conversation with the then Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, G.M. Sadiq, following his heroic actions. (Kashmir Rechords Archive)
Then came 1990
Twenty-five years after 1965, Kashmir had changed dramatically. The Valley had entered an era of armed militancy.
On Friday, May 4, 1990, the Kashmir Times and Daily Excelsior carried reports of Mohammad Din’s death at the hands of militants.
According to the reports, he was shot dead by armed militants in his native village at Barz Kani, near Tangmarg, in the Gulmarg area.
May 4, 1990 news clippings from the Kashmir Times and Daily Excelsior reporting the tragic killing of Mohammad Din by militants. (Kashmir Rechords Archive)
The irony was cruel. In 1965, Pakistan sent infiltrators into Kashmir to create an uprising. Mohammad Din detected them, refused their inducements, informed the authorities and helped expose their presence. His information triggered the response of the State Government and Army. The infiltrators were engaged and scattered, and the Pakistani plan began to unravel.
India honoured him with the Padma Shri. He met Indira Gandhi twice.
In 1990, when militancy had engulfed Kashmir, Mohammad Din himself became its victim.
The man who had once helped defend Kashmir against Pakistan’s covert assault could not be saved from the violence that later consumed the Valley.
He was killed—and then, in an even greater tragedy, almost erased from memory.
A hero reduced to a forgotten line
The official Padma database still carries his name. The 1966 Gazette still carries his name. Historical accounts of Operation Gibraltar occasionally mention him.
But the fuller story is barely known: the shepherd, the infiltrators, the money they offered him, the journey to Tangmarg, the CID officer, the message to Srinagar, the Home Minister, the Army GOC, the counter-operation, the Padma Shri, the meetings with Indira Gandhi, his return to tending cattle, his killing in 1990—and finally, the silence.
It is this silence that makes the surviving documents important.
Kashmir Rechords brings back the missing pieces
Kashmir Rechords has attempted to reconstruct the timeline of Mohammad Din Jagir’s life and sacrifice.
Its archive preserves his photographs and the May 1990 newspaper clippings reporting his killing. Alongside them is the written account of his role in 1965, describing how he detected the infiltrators, carried the information to the authorities, handed over the currency note they had given him and helped set the civil and military machinery into motion.
Taken together, these documents tell a story that deserves to be restored to Kashmir’s historical memory.
Not as propaganda. Not as mythology. But as an archival record of what one ordinary man did at an extraordinary moment.
Despite his extraordinary efforts, for which he lost his life 25 years after the 1965 war, Din Mohammad continues to be the forgotten son of Kashmir.
“Where do you live?” “What is your address?” “Where is your hometown?”
Almost every Kashmiri Pandit who has lived outside Kashmir over the past 36 years has faced these seemingly simple questions. And each time, they carry a deeper meaning.
I may be living in, or even owning, a house, flat or property anywhere in India or elsewhere in the world. But the real predicament remains: To which part of the country do I associate my identity? Which address truly feels like home? Where do I belong?
This question has followed us for 36 years
In 1990, lakhs of Kashmiri Pandits were uprooted from the Valley. Most of us arrived in Jammu—a place geographically close to Kashmir, yet worlds apart in language, climate, culture and food habits, particularly for those who had never lived outside the Valley before the exodus.
And then, almost unexpectedly, Rajinder Park in Jammu emerged as a new landmark—a temporary address for a community that had suddenly lost its permanent one.
For thousands of Kashmiri Pandits, Rajinder Park became much more than a park. It became a meeting place, a temple, a centre of community life and, at times, a memorial to a lost world.
For the older generation, Rajinder Park is etched in memory not for its trees or surroundings, but for the grief that gathered there. In the absence of the sacred cremation ghats of Kashmir, families came to the park to perform the tenth-day kriya of their departed loved ones.
But Rajinder Park also witnessed another struggle—the struggle to rebuild lives through paperwork.
Government records, relief packages, service matters, transfers, adjustments, accommodation in camps and countless other problems of displacement had to be discussed and resolved. Enormous meetings were held there. Government employees from different departments and public-sector organisations began forming associations. Colleagues who had been scattered overnight found one another again.
In those days, communication itself was a luxury. There were no mobile phones, no WhatsApp groups and often no reliable way of knowing where a relative, friend or colleague had landed. Rajinder Park became the place where people searched for people.
Separated families reunited there. Friends met after months. Former colleagues rediscovered one another. Information travelled from one person to another, often becoming the only lifeline available to a displaced community.
When Rajinder Park became a symbol of resilience
It represented a community that had lost its homes but refused to lose its identity; a people who had been uprooted but continued to preserve their traditions, relationships and dignity.
For those who lived through 1990, Rajinder Park is therefore not merely a physical space. It is a chapter in the collective memory of displacement—a reminder of how a community without an address created one for itself, however temporarily.
The park gave us an address when we had lost one.
Thirty-six years later, the question still remains: Where do we belong?
Perhaps the answer lies not merely in a house, a city or a postal address. Perhaps it lies in the memory of a homeland, in the bonds of a community and in the continuing hope of returning to a place that still lives within us.
Let us not forget the past. For, as the old saying reminds us, those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
And perhaps Rajinder Park deserves to be remembered—not simply as a park in Jammu, but as the first address of a displaced community that had suddenly lost its own.
About the Author
*R. K. Tickoo is a retired senior Prasar Bharati officer and veteran broadcaster. He served at Radio Kashmir, Srinagar and Jammu, on key assignments and later at the Directorate General, All India Radio, New Delhi. His writings draw upon his professional experience, personal memories and close understanding of Kashmir’s history, society and the lived experience of the Kashmiri Pandit community.
Do you have memories of gathering at Rajinder Park? Share your stories in the comments below or email us to help preserve this history.
The latest threats against Kashmiri Pandit employees in Kashmir are not a new phenomenon. For the young Pandit employees recruited under the Prime Minister’s Package, who have lived under threats for years, the latest warning carries a frightening historical echo. Some of their generation have already been killed in the post-Article 370 era—notably government employee Rahul Bhat, shot dead inside his office in Chadoora in May 2022.
Their parents and relatives know this fear all too well. They had witnessed the same sequence in 1989-90—threats, warning letters, posters, targeted killings and intimidation—before thousands of Kashmiri Pandit families were forced to abandon their homes and migrate from the Valley.
But the history of this threat culture goes back even further.
The warning was there before 1990
Archival and historical accounts in possession of Kashmir Rechords indicate that the use of threatening posters, underground propaganda and warning communications was already visible during the turbulent years following 1965. The Al-Fateh phase subsequently gave such underground activity a more organised character. Former police officer A.M. Watali’s account records the use of Jehad posters and the arrest of an Al-Fateh activist in October 1965 for putting them up. Other historical material on Al-Fateh records the circulation of “Red Kashmir” posters directed at government officials, politicians and influential individuals in the mid-1960s.
Even D. P. Dhar, then one of the most prominent political figures of Jammu and Kashmir and the State’s Home Minister, was not spared threatening and abusive communications. The episode is significant because it demonstrates that intimidation through written warnings was not born with the insurgency of 1989.
When D.P Dhar and his family were threatened!
The modus operandi was simple: write it, type it, cyclostyle it or print it—and put it where people would see it. Posters were pasted on walls and electricity poles; letters were delivered to homes and offices; names were circulated and warnings issued.
The purpose was psychological.Make the person feel watched. Make the family afraid. Make the community believe that the threat could become a bullet.
A specimen of Threatening Posters in circulation in Kashmir during 1965-66
1989-90: When the warning became violence
By 1989-90, the old method of 1965 acquired a far more lethal dimension. Threatening letters and posters operated alongside assassinations, militant slogans and targeted killings. The objective was no longer simply to frighten an individual. It was to create an atmosphere in which an entire community and nationalist individuals began questioning whether they could safely remain in Kashmir.
The mass migration of Kashmiri Pandits cannot, therefore, be understood only through the number of people killed. The cumulative effect of threats, killings and intimidation created a climate of fear that ultimately pushed the community out of its ancestral homeland.
Threatening posters and letters in 1990
Article 370 changed. The threat did not disappear
The abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 fundamentally changed Jammu and Kashmir’s Constitutional and administrative structure. But the threat culture did not vanish.
In the post-Article 370 period, Kashmiri Pandit employees again became targets. Threat posters and warnings have continued to surface. In 2023, non-locals and Kashmiri Pandits were again threatened.
Again in February 2026, purported terror posters triggered fresh concern among Kashmiri Pandits, with community representatives demanding stronger preventive security measures. Even local journalists too faced these threats, before and after Article 370 abrogation. In November 2022, five Kashmiri journalists had to quit their job as dozens of Kashmiri journalists were branded as “Army Agents’’ by “The Resistance Front’’ (TRF) and LeT.
Times of India, November 2022
And now, in August 2026, a purported letter attributed to the United Liberation Council (ULC), linked in reports to Lashkar-e-Taiba, has named six Kashmiri Pandit government employees and claimed to possess details including their phone numbers and information about their families. Authorities have responded with heightened security and precautionary measures, including asking affected employees to work from safer locations or remain away from their workplaces temporarily.
Only the medium has changed
This is perhaps the most disturbing continuity.
In 1965, the threat could be handwritten. In the Al-Fateh era, it could be cyclostyled or printed.In 1989-90, it appeared on walls and electricity poles and arrived as letters and warnings. Today, it comes through digital posters, social media, online communications and mobile phones.
The poster has changed, the technology has changed, but the weapon remains the same—fear.”
The technology has changed. The message has not.
It remains a message of identification, intimidation and displacement: you have been noticed, you are being watched, and you are not safe.
For the young Pandit employees working in Kashmir today, therefore, the latest threat is not merely a new incident. It is an echo of what their parents and grandparents experienced even before 1990.
The paper has disappeared. The poster has gone digital. But the weapon remains the same: fear.
And the history of Kashmir shows that when threats are allowed to become normal, the distance between a warning and a killing can become frighteningly short.
Editor’s Note
Those interested in knowing more about some of the Al-Fateh episodes, including the history of its sleeper cells, the locations where threatening posters were prepared, typed or reproduced, and the individuals and networks involved in their production and circulation, may contact Kashmir Rechords for archival and research assistance.
SRINAGAR: At the beginning of the armed insurgency in 1989–90, the outlawed Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) sought to project itself as the force that would create an ‘Independent Kashmir’.
The symbolism was extraordinary. Militants reportedly forced people in parts of the Valley to set their watches to Pakistan Standard Time—a powerful psychological assertion that Kashmir was slipping out of India’s control. The practice was also recorded in contemporary official material and raised in Parliament in August 1990.
At the same time, the ‘JKLF’ reportedly looked towards Radio Kashmir Srinagar as a crucial instrument of the emerging struggle. Control of the powerful broadcasting station would have meant control of the microphone through which an alternative political authority could potentially announce itself to millions. But their designs were scuttled.
For a while, the Valley appeared to be witnessing the making of a new political order: Pakistan time on the watches, ‘Azadi’ in the streets and an ‘Independent Kashmir’ as the proclaimed destination.
But Pakistan’s growing support for pro-Pakistan militant organisations, particularly Hizbul Mujahideen, complicated the JKLF’s project. The insurgency increasingly became a contest not only against the Indian State but also over what Kashmir itself was supposed to become—independent or part of Pakistan.
It was amid this contest for political space that the ‘JKLF’ produced one of its most unusual propaganda symbols.
A country on paper
In August 1990, the JKLF, under its Acting ‘Commander-in-Chief’ Javed Ahmad Mir, reportedly brought out a postal-style stamp representing ‘Independent Kashmir’.
The episode was prominently reported in August 23, 1990 issue of Kashmir Times, which also carried a photograph of the stamp.
The design was striking: a child, accompanied by the words “FREE INDEPENDENT KASHMIR”, along with the Urdu inscription “Khud-Mukhtaar Kashmir”—self-governing or independent Kashmir.
The symbolism was unmistakable. The child represented the future; the stamp represented the ‘State the JKLF’ claimed it was fighting to create.
But this was not a recognised postage. It was a political/propaganda representation of a state that did not exist.
Yet newspapers gave the symbol a much larger public life. By reproducing the stamp, the press effectively amplified a militant publicity exercise, giving an imagined state the visual trappings of sovereignty.
Irony of the ‘Azadi’ dream
The irony was that while ‘JKLF’ was printing an ‘Independent Kashmir’ on paper and asking people to follow Pakistan time, the Valley was rapidly descending into violence.
Killings, kidnappings, threats and militant diktats spread. Kashmiri Pandits were driven into exile, while ordinary Kashmiris—Muslim and Hindu alike—were caught in a conflict whose human cost would last for decades.
A clock could be changed. A Radio Station could be targeted. A stamp could be printed. But an ‘Independent Kashmir’ could not be created through symbols
The stamp, therefore, survives as more than a philatelic curiosity. It is an archival snapshot of how the ‘JKLF’ attempted to manufacture the imagery of Statehood before possessing the institutions of a state.
The stamp promised a country. History delivered a conflict.
Lesson for Kashmir’s youth
For the youth of Kashmir, the episode remains a sobering lesson in how political emotions can be harnessed to sell impossible dreams. Pakistan and ‘JKLF’ projected competing visions—one of Kashmir’s socalled merger with Pakistan, the other of an ‘Independent Kashmir’—while thousands of young people were drawn into a conflict whose promises could never overcome the political, military and geopolitical realities surrounding Jammu and Kashmir. The dream of defeating a country of India’s scale and establishing a new State through militancy proved unattainable, while its pursuit brought violence, displacement, lost opportunities and generations of uncertainty. The lesson of history is that Kashmiris paid an enormous price for dreams that armed movements could promise, but could never deliver.
When veteran journalist and historian B.P. Sharma wrote The Missing Link of Atharva Veda: Saga of its Discovery in the Kashmir Times on September 1, 1988, he was not merely recounting the story of an ancient manuscript. He was documenting one of the greatest scholarly discoveries associated with Kashmir—one that fundamentally altered modern understanding of Vedic literature.
Nearly four decades later, B P Sharma’s account can now be corroborated in remarkable detail through the digitised edition of The Kashmirian Atharva-Veda (School of the Pāippalādas), published in 1901 by the Johns Hopkins Press under the editorship of Maurice Bloomfield and Richard Garbe, reproduced directly from the original birch-bark manuscript preserved at the University Library of Tübingen, Germany. The 1,088-page publication, now available through Google Books, stands as one of the most important documentary records of Kashmir’s contribution to world scholarship.
The Lost Branch of the Fourth Veda
For centuries, scholars recognised two principal recensions (Śākhās) of the Atharva Veda:
the Śaunakīya, which remained in circulation; and
the Paippalāda, long believed to have disappeared.
European Indologists knew of the Paippalāda recension only through scattered references in ancient commentaries. No complete manuscript was available, making it one of the greatest unresolved questions in Vedic philology.
B P Sharma’s detailed article on “The Missing Link of Atharva Veda: Saga of its Discovery”, published in Kashmir Times in September 1988.
B.P. Sharma, fondly remembered as ‘Walking Encyclopaedia of J&K’’, accurately described it as the “missing link” in Atharva Vedic studies—a description entirely consistent with the historical record preserved in Bloomfield and Garbe’s monumental publication.
Baron von Hügel’s Observation that Changed Vedic Studies
The story begins in 1833, when Austrian-German traveller Baron Charles von Hügel visited Kashmir. During his travels he recorded an intriguing statement made by Kashmiri Pandits—that they followed what they pronounced as the “Alterman Veda,” rather than the Atharvan tradition known elsewhere in India.
Although seemingly anecdotal, this observation caught the attention of the eminent German Sanskrit scholar Professor Rudolf von Roth, who suspected that Kashmir might still preserve an otherwise lost recension of the Atharva Veda.
B P Sharma’s article recounts this episode, and the introductory chapters of The Kashmirian AtharvaVeda confirm that von Hügel’s observation became one of the earliest clues leading scholars towards Kashmir’s manuscript tradition.
Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s Search for the Manuscript
The most significant contribution, however, came from Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1857–1885). According to Sharma, Sir William Muir, then Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces, appealed to the Maharaja to search his vast collection of Sanskrit manuscripts for evidence of the missing recension.
The request was hardly accidental. Maharaja Ranbir Singh had established one of the richest manuscript collections in Northern India, acquiring thousands of Sanskrit, Śāradā and Persian manuscripts from scholars across Kashmir and adjoining Himalayan regions.
The search proved successful. Among these collections lay a complete Śāradā-script birch-bark manuscript of the Paippalāda recension.Bloomfield and Garbe acknowledge in their publication that the manuscript originated in Kashmir and reached European scholarship through the enlightened patronage of Maharaja Ranbir Singh.
The Devanagari Transcript
One of the most important details mentioned by B P Sharma is that the Maharaja did not immediately despatch the fragile birch-bark manuscript abroad.Instead, scholars first prepared a Devanagari transcript, which was sent to Professor Rudolf von Roth for examination.Only afterwards was the original manuscript forwarded.
This careful process reflects the scholarly seriousness with which the Dogra court treated the manuscript and its preservation.
Written on Kashmir’s Famous Bhojpatra
The manuscript itself represents the finest tradition of Kashmiri manuscript culture.
As B P Sharma in his article describes, and as confirmed in the 1901 publication, the manuscript consists of approximately 275 birch-bark folios, written on both sides in the Śāradā script using indigenous black ink. The bark was obtained from the Himalayan Betula utilis (Bhojpatra) tree, whose thin inner bark had served as Kashmir’s principal writing material for centuries before the widespread adoption of paper.
Its survival is itself extraordinary. Birch bark is highly susceptible to humidity and mechanical damage, making the preservation of a complete Vedic recension exceptionally rare.
Rudolf von Roth’s Historic Recognition
Professor Rudolf von Roth quickly realised that the manuscript represented one of the greatest discoveries in Sanskrit studies. His publications announced to the academic world that the supposedly lost Paippalāda Śākhā had survived in Kashmir.
The discovery challenged long-held assumptions regarding the textual history of the Atharva Veda and opened entirely new avenues of comparative Vedic research.
Aurel Stein’s Tribute to Kashmir
Another remarkable episode highlighted by B P Sharma concerns Sir Marc Aurel Stein, whose archaeological work transformed the study of Kashmir’s past.
Stein not only appreciated the manuscript’s textual importance but also wrote to Raja Amar Singh, urging the Jammu and Kashmir administration to support its publication and to honour Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s contribution to Sanskrit scholarship.
Sir Aurel Stein’s letter to Raja Amar Singh
Stein reportedly described the manuscript as indispensable for the restoration of the Atharva Veda, crediting Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s patronage for making the discovery possible.
This correspondence illustrates how nineteenth-century European scholarship acknowledged Kashmir’s own role in preserving India’s classical heritage.
Johns Hopkins, Tübingen Preserve Kashmir’s Legacy
In 1898, Maurice Bloomfield, Richard Garbe and the Universities of Johns Hopkins and Tübingen initiated an ambitious project to reproduce the manuscript by chromophotography, then one of the most advanced methods of documentary reproduction.The resulting publication appeared in 1901 under the title The Kashmirian AtharvaVeda.
Rather than merely printing the Sanskrit text, the editors reproduced photographic plates of the original birch-bark folios, enabling scholars worldwide to study the manuscript exactly as preserved in Kashmir. The work remains one of the earliest large-scale photographic reproductions of an Indian manuscript.
Why the Discovery Changed Indology
The publication had profound implications.
For the first time, scholars could compare the Paippalāda and Śaunakīya recensions of the Atharva Veda in detail. Differences in arrangement, wording and preservation revealed that the Kashmir manuscript preserved an independent textual tradition rather than merely a variant copy.
Maurice Bloomfield later incorporated these findings into his broader studies of the Atharva Veda, acknowledging the Kashmir manuscript as indispensable for reconstructing the textual history of the fourth Veda.
B.P. Sharma’s Enduring Contribution
B.P. Sharma deserves recognition not only for narrating this remarkable story but for introducing it to a wider readership in Jammu and Kashmir at a time when manuscript heritage rarely featured in public discourse.
His article anticipated many of today’s efforts to reclaim Kashmir’s intellectual history. Rather than presenting the discovery merely as an episode in European Indology, Sharma correctly placed Kashmir, its Pandit scholars and Maharaja Ranbir Singh at the centre of the narrative.
Today, with The Kashmirian Atharva-Veda freely accessible in digital form through Google Books, readers can verify virtually every major episode recounted in Sharma’s article—from Baron von Hügel’s observations and Rudolf von Roth’s scholarship to Aurel Stein’s correspondence and the pioneering 1901 chromophotographic edition.
The rediscovery of the Paippalāda Atharva Veda was not merely the recovery of an ancient manuscript; it was the restoration of an entire branch of India’s Vedic tradition. The journey of the manuscript—from the manuscript repositories of Srinagar to Tübingen, and from there to one of the most celebrated publications in Oriental studies—stands as a testament to Kashmir’s role as one of the great custodians of India’s civilisational heritage.
Read together, B.P. Sharma’s 1988 Kashmir Times article and Bloomfield and Garbe’s 1901 scholarly edition present a compelling narrative: that the preservation of one of the world’s oldest sacred texts owed as much to the custodianship of Kashmiri scholars and the enlightened patronage of Maharaja Ranbir Singh as it did to the painstaking efforts of European Indologists. Their combined testimony firmly establishes Kashmir not only as a land of spiritual traditions but also as a vital centre in the global history of manuscript preservation and Vedic scholarship.
*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is an eminent journalist, media researcher, and former senior Officer with Prasar Bharati. Holding a Ph.D. in media and strategic studies , he has authored several books—including Radio Kashmir: In Times of Peace & War—and regularly documents the cultural, historical and archival heritage of Jammu and Kashmir.
The archival newspaper clipping dated May 30–31, 1984 challenges one of the most frequently repeated narratives about the origins of the Kashmir conflict. A common perception is that Kashmir’s troubles began with the 1987 Assembly elections, followed by the rise of militancy and, ultimately, the forced exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit community in 1990. However, archival evidence indicates that communal targeting and violence against the minority community predated 1987.
The report explicitly mentions that Kashmiri Pandit temples were attacked and that attempts were made to set them on fire. It states that the All State Kashmir Pandit Association protested these attacks and referred to assaults on temples and other religious places. The report also records widespread violence across Srinagar, Anantnag, Baramulla and other areas, curfews, police firing, destruction of property, and attacks on public transport. These developments occurred three years before the 1987 elections.
Circa May 1984: When Temples in Kashmir were attacked!
This archival evidence should not be interpreted as proving a single cause for the later insurgency, but it does demonstrate that communal intimidation and attacks on Kashmiri Pandit religious sites were already taking place in 1984. The subsequent 1986 Anantnag riots, during which numerous temples and Hindu properties were attacked, further deepened the sense of insecurity among the minority community. Yet, despite these repeated incidents, Kashmiri Pandits largely remained in the Valley, hoping that the situation would improve.
The crisis reached its tragic culmination only in 1990, when escalating militancy, targeted killings, intimidation, and threats triggered the mass exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit community from their ancestral homeland.
In other words, the archival record suggests a more complex chronology than the simplified narrative that everything began in 1987. The sequence reflected in contemporary reports is:
1984: Attacks on Kashmiri Pandit temples and growing communal violence, as documented in contemporary newspapers.
1986: The Anantnag riots and widespread attacks on temples and minority properties.
1987: A disputed election, followed by a rapid escalation of armed militancy.
1990: The mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits.
These archival records underscore that the vulnerability of the Kashmiri Pandit community was evident years before the 1990 exodus, and that understanding the conflict requires examining the full historical sequence rather than reducing it to a single turning point.
History is often remembered through wars fought on one’s own soil. Yet Kashmir witnessed another phenomenon—equally tragic but far less documented. For decades, international political and religious events repeatedly ignited protests in the Valley, even when those events had no direct connection with Jammu and Kashmir. The emotional response was immediate; the consequences were local.
An extensive examination of contemporary newspaper archives by Kashmir Rechords reveals a striking historical pattern. From the execution of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1979 to the desecration of Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque in 1986, from the American bombing of Libya to the Salman Rushdie controversy in 1989, Kashmir repeatedly became a theatre where distant events played out violently. In many cases, it was the Valley’s minorities—Kashmiri Pandits and Christians in particular—who paid the price for conflicts and controversies in which they had no role.
1979: Kashmir Reacts to Pakistan’s Internal Crisis
The first major example emerged in March-April 1979, when Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto exhausted his legal remedies after the Supreme Court of Pakistan upheld his death sentence.Even before Bhutto’s execution, Kashmir witnessed protests.
An archival report dated March 25, 1979 records a hartal in Srinagar following the rejection of Bhutto’s review petition. Protesters took to the streets against General Zia-ul-Haq‘s military regime despite the fact that the controversy concerned Pakistan’s internal judicial process.The situation worsened after Bhutto was executed on 4 April 1979.
A newspaper dated 6 April 1979 carried the alarming headline:
“Four More Killed By Police Firing In Kashmir – Violent Demonstrations Against Execution of Bhutto.”
According to the report, police firing across Kashmir raised the death toll to seven persons within two days. Massive demonstrations paralysed Srinagar, Shopian, Sopore, Anantnag and several other towns.
The archives describe:violent clashes with police;attacks on government buildings;road blockades;extensive stone-pelting;attempts to storm public offices;widespread shutdowns.
Most significantly, the report records that shops and business establishments belonging to sections of the Muslim community perceived to support General Zia or the Jamaat-e-Islami were attacked and looted. Their only perceived offence was ideological association with Pakistan’s ruling establishment.The Valley had erupted—not over a local issue—but over Pakistan’s domestic politics. Even Christian Community of Kashmir was targetted , forcing Sheikh Abdullah to say that while Pakistan took an ugly decision, why are we burning houses and Churches here?
1986: Jerusalem Burns, Kashmir Shuts Down
Seven years later, another international event triggered a similar reaction.Reports of the desecration of the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem in February 1986 produced one of the largest protest movements witnessed in Kashmir during that decade.
Archival newspapers carried headlines including:
“Hartal, Demonstrations in Kashmir Towns.”
“Valley-wide Protest Against Desecration of Al-Aqsa Mosque.”
Entire towns observed shutdowns. Demonstrations spread through Srinagar, Baramulla, Sopore, Kupwara, Pulwama, Shopian, Anantnag and Handwara.
Crowds shouted slogans against Israel and the United States while clashes with police left several personnel injured.
For many Kashmiris, Al-Aqsa represented not merely a mosque but an emotional symbol of the Islamic world.Yet the repercussions did not stop with protest marches.
An Already Explosive Atmosphere
The Al-Aqsa demonstrations unfolded against the backdrop of mounting communal tension inside Kashmir.
Within days, the Valley witnessed the Anantnag riots of February 1986, during which numerous temples, houses and commercial establishments belonging to Kashmiri Pandits were attacked.
Although historians attribute those riots to a combination of political, communal and local factors, the archival timeline demonstrates how international religious developments further inflamed an already combustible atmosphere.Once again, the victims were local.
Libya Bombed, Christians in Kashmir Guarded
Barely two months later, another international conflict reverberated through Kashmir. Following the United States’ bombing of Libya in April 1986, newspapers reported that security across Kashmir had been substantially tightened.
The report specifically stated that police protection had been reinforced around:churches,Christian missionary institutions and educational establishments run by missionaries.
The administration feared that anger directed against the United States could spill over onto local Christian institutions.
The irony could hardly have been greater. Kashmir’s Christians had absolutely no connection with Washington’s foreign policy.
Yet they required police protection because events unfolding in North Africa were expected to provoke unrest in Kashmir.
The newspaper itself recalled that similar precautionary measures had earlier been necessary during the Al-Aqsa protests.
1988: Mourning General Zia
History then produced another paradox.When General Zia-ul-Haq, the very military ruler blamed by protesters for Bhutto’s execution, died in an air crash on August 17, 1988, parts of Kashmir again witnessed mourning processions and demonstrations.
The same Valley that had erupted against him nine years earlier now observed public grief over his death.
The episode illustrated how political developments across the border continued to evoke powerful emotional responses inside Kashmir, often resulting in law-and-order challenges requiring heavy deployment of security forces.
1989: Salman Rushdie and Local Backlash
The publication of Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses triggered protests across much of the Muslim world.Kashmir was no exception.
During demonstrations in February 1989, two ancient temples belonging to the Kashmiri Pandit community—one at Fateh Kadal and another at Ganpatyar in Srinagar—were attacked.Neither the temples nor the Kashmiri Pandit community had any connection with the author or the publication.
Nevertheless, local minorities once again became targets during protests over an international controversy.
A Disturbing Historical Pattern
Viewed together, these archival reports reveal an unmistakable pattern.
Whenever a major political or religious event occurred abroad:Pakistan executed Bhutto or Jerusalem witnessed controversy over Al-Aqsa 0r America bombed Libya or Salman Rushdie published a controversial novel, Kashmir often responded with: shutdowns,demonstrations,violent confrontations,attacks on public property,heightened communal tension and the deployment of additional security around minority places of worship.
The emotional geography of Kashmir frequently extended far beyond its physical borders. Unfortunately, the consequences often fell upon neighbours who had nothing whatsoever to do with those distant events.
Pattern Has Not Entirely Disappeared
The archives also resonate with more recent developments.Following the escalation of tensions involving Iran, sections of Kashmir again organised demonstrations expressing solidarity with the country. Public reports documented campaigns collecting humanitarian assistance, including cash as well as donations of gold and silver, intended for relief efforts associated with Iran.
Expressions of solidarity with international causes have long formed part of Kashmir’s political culture. The historical record, however, also serves as a reminder of the dangers of allowing distant conflicts to translate into local intimidation or communal polarisation.
The Forgotten Lesson of the Archives
The newspaper clippings preserved by Kashmir Rechords tell a story that extends beyond individual protests.
They document a recurring historical phenomenon in which international events repeatedly shaped Kashmir’s internal social and political climate. They also reveal a sobering truth: the burden of those distant conflicts was often borne by innocent local communities.
Whether it was Kashmiri Pandits whose temples came under attack after the Rushdie controversy, Christians whose churches required police protection after the bombing of Libya, or ordinary citizens caught in violence following Bhutto’s execution, the archives show that international passions frequently translated into local insecurity.
Understanding this history does not diminish the right of people to express solidarity with causes beyond their borders. Rather, it highlights the importance of ensuring that such expressions never become a pretext for violence against fellow citizens who bear no responsibility for events unfolding thousands of kilometres away.
As these forgotten newspaper reports remind us, history’s most enduring lesson is that when global conflicts are imported into local society, it is often the innocent who pay the highest price.
About the Author
Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran journalist, broadcaster, author, media archivist and independent researcher with over three decades of experience in Journalism and Public Broadcasting. He holds a Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication and began his career in print journalism, serving with the Kashmir Times before joining Daily Excelsior as a Special Correspondent, where he headed the newspaper’s Kashmir Desk during the peak years of militancy in the Valley. During the same period, he also contributed extensively on art, cultureand heritage to The Tribune.
He later transitioned to electronic media, serving in Prasar Bharati in various broadcasting capacities. Dr. Bhat is the co-founder of the Kashmir Rechords Foundation, a registered non-profit organization dedicated to preserving the archival, cultural and socio-political history of Jammu and Kashmir. His research draws extensively on contemporary newspaper archives, official records and other primary historical sources to document forgotten narratives and present evidence-based accounts of Kashmir’s past.
Today, the name Salman Rushdie evokes memories of one of the most controversial episodes in modern literary history. For many, it is inseparable from The Satanic Verses, worldwide protests, a fatwa, and decades of security threats that followed.
Yet few remember that years before the controversy engulfed his life, Rushdie was welcomed in Kashmir as an internationally acclaimed novelist, interviewed by Radio Kashmir Srinagar, and greeted warmly by students at one of the Valley’s most prestigious colleges.
That forgotten chapter, preserved today through rare photographs and newspaper archives, tells the story not only of Salman Rushdie but also of a Kashmir that was intellectually vibrant, culturally confident and deeply connected with the world of ideas.
A Booker Prize Winner in Kashmir
It was May 1983.Salman Rushdie had already achieved international fame after winning the Booker Prize for his landmark novel Midnight’s Children, a work widely regarded as one of the finest novels written in English in the twentieth century. The novel had brought India and its complex history to the forefront of world literature, making Rushdie one of the most celebrated writers of his generation.
During his visit to Kashmir that year, Rushdie was interviewed at Radio Kashmir Srinagar, where he spoke about Midnight’s Children, literature and contemporary writing.
Among the rare archival treasures preserved by Kashmir Rechords is a remarkable photograph showing Rushdie seated before the microphones inside the studios of Radio Kashmir. It is more than a photograph—it is visual testimony to an era when Kashmir welcomed some of the world’s leading literary voices into its premier broadcasting institution.
Salman Rushdie in the Studios of Radio Kashmir, Srinagar ( May 1983), talking about his book ‘Midnight’s Children’
Rushdie’s visit extended beyond the radio station.
He also visited the historic Sri Pratap (SP) College, Srinagar, where he interacted with students and members of the faculty. His visit generated considerable enthusiasm among young readers, and the college later published photographs of the interaction in its annual magazine. Those images remain an enduring reminder of a Kashmir where internationally acclaimed writers could freely engage with students and scholars.
When Rushdie sat before the Radio Kashmir microphones in 1983, he wasn’t a figure of global political storm—he was celebrated as a master storyteller reconnecting world literature with South Asian history
The Valley that Rushdie encountered in 1983 was known not merely for its breathtaking beauty but also for its thriving literary culture. Radio Kashmir regularly hosted distinguished writers, poets, musicians and intellectuals, while colleges and universities served as centres of lively academic and cultural exchange.
Few could have imagined that within a few years everything would change.
A Book That Shook the World
On 26 September 1988, Rushdie’s novel The Satanic Verses was published in the United Kingdom.
Almost immediately, sections of the Muslim community across the world objected to passages they considered offensive to Islam. Demonstrations began in several countries, and the controversy rapidly crossed national boundaries.
Concerned about possible disturbances, the Government of India became the first government in the world to prohibit the import of the book on 5 October 1988, citing concerns over public order.
At that stage, however, Kashmir’s response was not entirely one of condemnation.
In Defence of Salman Rushdie: An article that was published in Kashmir Times on October 16, 1988.
Kashmir’s Intellectual Response
Among the archival holdings of Kashmir Rechords is the Sunday, October 16, 1988 edition of the Kashmir Times, carrying a remarkable article by eminent Kashmiri writer G. M. Zahid titled “In Defence of Salman Rushdie.”
Published at a time when the controversy was still unfolding, Zahid’s article offered a thoughtful defence of Rushdie and reflected Kashmir’s long tradition of intellectual debate. It demonstrated that even amid growing international criticism, there remained voices in the Valley that believed literature should be debated through ideas rather than emotion.
Today, that newspaper clipping has become an important historical document. It reminds us that Kashmir’s literary community did not react uniformly and that public opinion was still evolving.
From Literary Debate to Public Agitation
The controversy, however, soon moved far beyond literature.
As protests intensified across several Muslim-majority countries, the issue acquired powerful religious and political dimensions. Public demonstrations grew larger, emotions became stronger and governments across the world found themselves confronted with an increasingly volatile situation.
The turning point came in February 1989, when Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini issued a fatwa calling for Rushdie’s death. The controversy instantly became a global crisis.Its impact was felt in Kashmir as well.
In February 1989, the Valley witnessed widespread strikes, hartals and demonstrations against Salman Rushdie and The Satanic Verses. Thousands participated in protests across Srinagar and elsewhere.
Another Hartal in Kashmir ( February 13, 1989) against publication of Salman Rushdie’s controversial book ‘Satanic Verses’
The demonstrations turned violent. During clashes with the authorities, one civilian lost his life and many others were injured, marking one of the most significant public agitations in Kashmir over an international issue. Newspapers of the time carried dramatic reports of shutdowns, processions, public anger and escalating law-and-order concerns.The transformation was extraordinary.
Within less than six years, the same author who had discussed literature inside Radio Kashmir Srinagar and interacted with students at SP College had become the focus of mass protests in the very Valley that had once welcomed him.
A Kashmir That Changed Forever
The Rushdie episode coincided with one of the most turbulent periods in Kashmir’s modern history.Only months later, the Valley descended into armed insurgency. The institutions that had once celebrated literature, culture and open dialogue found themselves operating under the shadow of violence and uncertainty. International writers no longer travelled freely to Kashmir. Public discourse changed, and the atmosphere that had encouraged intellectual engagement steadily disappeared.
The rare photograph of Salman Rushdie at Radio Kashmir Srinagar, the pages of the SP College annual magazine documenting his visit, the Kashmir Times article “In Defence of Salman Rushdie” and the newspaper reports chronicling the February 1989 protests together tell a compelling story of a society in transition.
These archives are not simply about Salman Rushdie.They are about Kashmir itself.
They remind us that before conflict came to dominate headlines, Kashmir was a place where celebrated writers were welcomed, books were discussed on public radio, students engaged with world literature and newspapers accommodated differing viewpoints—even on the most contentious issues.
For Kashmir Rechords, preserving these forgotten fragments is an effort to recover a chapter of history that deserves to be remembered in all its complexity. Together, they capture the remarkable journey of one celebrated author—and the equally remarkable transformation of a Valley whose intellectual landscape changed forever within the span of a few short years.
One of the most persistent misconceptions of our time is that diabetes is purely a modern lifestyle disorder—a consequence of fast food, stress, and urbanization. While modern living has certainly accelerated its rise, history presents a far more compelling narrative: long before insulin, diabetologists, and glucose monitors existed, diabetes (ذیابیطس) was already recognized as one of the most feared conditions across the Indian subcontinent.
An extraordinary archival discovery preserved by Kashmir Rechords now takes this medical history back to nineteenth-century Jammu and Kashmir, revealing that even one of the region’s most powerful monarchs could not escape the disease.
1885 Urdu Journal records death of Maharaja Ranbir Singh
Among the rare archival holdings of Kashmir Rechords is the October 1885 issue of the celebrated Urdu socio-literary journal Mir’at-ul-Hind (Mirror of India), edited since 1875 by the eminent Kashmiri Pandit scholar Pandit Kishan Narayan of Lucknow, who also established the renowned Matba Bahar-e-Kashmir.
An 1885 Urdu Archive from Kashmir’s Past
Published barely weeks after the demise of Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1830–1885), the second Dogra ruler of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, the journal carries an emotional obituary mourning the passing of the Maharaja.
What makes this obituary historically remarkable is its explicit reference to the cause of death. The editor records that Maharaja Ranbir Singh died of ذیابیطس (Diabetes).
Unlike many later historical accounts that merely mention the Maharaja’s “prolonged illness” without identifying a medical condition, this contemporary Urdu publication specifically names diabetes.
As a primary source published immediately after the Maharaja’s death, Mir’at-ul-Hindrepresents an important piece of documentary evidence that demonstrates not only that diabetes was known in nineteenth-century India but that it was recognised by its Urdu name—ذیابیطس.
When History Diagnosed Diabetes: The 1885 Urdu Record of Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s Death
A Disease that claimed even a powerful Monarch
Maharaja Ranbir Singh was one of the most influential rulers of nineteenth-century India.Ascending the throne in 1856 after Maharaja Gulab Singh, he governed one of the largest princely states in the subcontinent, comprising Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Gilgit and Baltistan.
His reign witnessed sweeping administrative and judicial reforms, the introduction of the Ranbir Penal Code, promotion of Sanskrit and Persian learning, preservation of priceless manuscripts and the strengthening of institutions that continued to shape Jammu and Kashmir for generations. Yet, despite commanding one of the most powerful kingdoms of his time and having access to the finest physicians available, the Maharaja could not escape a disease for which nineteenth-century medicine had no effective cure.
Forgotten medical history hidden in newspaper Advertisements
The Kashmir Rechords archives reveal another fascinating chapter in the medical history of the Indian subcontinent.
Rare newspaper and magazine advertisements published between 1930 and 1945 openly promoted medicines, tonics and specialised treatments for ذیابیطس (Diabetes).
These advertisements appeared decades before diabetes awareness campaigns became commonplace and clearly demonstrate that diabetes was already a recognised medical condition requiring specialised treatment.
Even more remarkably, several advertisements referred to Grade I, Grade II and Grade III diabetes, indicating that physicians and pharmaceutical companies had already begun categorising the disease according to its severity.
Diabetes is Dangerous—-An information about its three grades and precautionary measures, published in 1930
Among the most prominent medicines advertised was “Diamelin,” promoted as a remedy for the principal symptoms of diabetes.
The medicine was marketed through leading pharmacies in Delhi, Lahore, Karachi, Calcutta and Madras, illustrating the extensive commercial network for diabetic treatment across pre-Independence India.
The advertisements also offered a free booklet explaining diabetes, enabling patients to understand the disease and its symptoms—an early form of public health awareness decades before organised diabetes education programmes emerged.
Diamelin—The medicine for Diabetes which was available in major cities of pre-partition India.
Today, these advertisements are far more than commercial notices.They are historical documents.They reveal that diabetes was sufficiently widespread to sustain a dedicated pharmaceutical market and that public awareness about the disease existed much earlier than commonly believed.
Archives correct popular myths
The October 1885 issue of Mir’at-ul-Hind and the numerous diabetes advertisements preserved by Kashmir Rechords tell a compelling story. Together, they demonstrate that ذیابیطس (Diabetes) was a recognised disease in nineteenth and early twentieth-century India.
They establish that medicines were being manufactured, advertised and distributed for diabetic patients decades before modern endocrinology evolved into a specialised branch of medicine.
More importantly, they challenge the widespread belief that diabetes is exclusively a disease of modern lifestyles. Modern living may have accelerated its prevalence, particularly Type 2 diabetes, but history makes one fact abundantly clear: Diabetes did not arrive with the modern age. It existed generations earlier. It was recognised by physicians .It was feared by families. It was treated by pharmacies.
And, as recorded in a contemporary Urdu journal preserved by Kashmir Rechords, it claimed even one of the most distinguished rulers of nineteenth-century Jammu and Kashmir.
Sometimes history is rewritten not through grand discoveries, but through fragile newspapers, forgotten Urdu journals and fading advertisements that quietly survive the passage of time. Archives do not merely preserve history. They restore it.
Editor’s Note
The reference to diabetes (ذیابیطس) as the cause of Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s death is based on the October 1885 issue of Mir’at-ul-Hind, a contemporary Urdu periodical edited by Pandit Kishan Narayan. While many later historical works refer only to the Maharaja’s “prolonged illness,” this contemporary publication specifically identifies diabetesas the cause of death. Readers are encouraged to view this rare archival source alongside other historical records as part of the continuing effort to reconstruct the medical history of nineteenth-century Jammu and Kashmir.
