Home Blog

Kashmiri Pandits’ Pledge to Celebrate Navreh in Kashmir

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmiri Pandits’ Pledge to Celebrate Navreh in Kashmir
(Kashmir Rechords Report)

In a stirring reaffirmation of identity, memory and belonging, Kashmiri Pandits across India and the global diaspora have renewed a collective pledge—to return to their roots and celebrate Navreh, the Kashmiri New Year, in Kashmir itself from the coming year onward.

This is not merely a declaration. It is a civilisational assertion shaped by decades of displacement, a promise carried silently across years of exile, now finding voice with renewed conviction.

Addressing the media in Jammu on March 18, Convenor Padma Shri Dr. Kashi Nath Pandita described the Navreh Mahotsav as a “poignant homecoming movement”—one that transcends geography. He emphasized that the celebrations will unfold not only in Jammu but across cities in India and beyond, reflecting the shared heartbeat of a scattered yet spiritually anchored community.

“Navreh is not just the beginning of a calendar year,” Dr. Pandita noted, “it is an awakening—astronomical, cultural and deeply personal.” The festival begins with the sacred ritual of Navreh Thali darshan, symbolising prosperity, knowledge and continuity—values that have endured even in exile.

Kashmiri Pandit leaders during Navreh Mahotsav -2026 press conference at Jammu on March 18, 2026

Yet, this year’s Navreh carries a deeper undertone.

It is a pledge.A pledge that next Navreh will not be marked in displacement, but celebrated on the soil that gave birth to it—Kashmir.

The second day, March 20, will be observed as Shaurya Divas (Vijay Divas), commemorating the unmatched valour and visionary legacy of Samrat Lalitaditya, the 8th-century emperor whose reign symbolised strength, protection and civilisational pride. The day will culminate in a grand closing ceremony at Abhinav Theatre, Jammu, featuring cultural performances, intellectual discourses and tributes to the icons who define Kashmir’s timeless spirit.

Co-Convenor, Padma Shri Brij Lal Bhat underscored the urgency of reclaiming historical consciousness. He called for the inclusion of Acharya Shreya Bhat’s scholarship and Lalitaditya’s legacy in the academic curriculum of JKBOSE, asserting:

“This is our clarion call—to inscribe these icons into the consciousness of future generations.”

Echoing this sentiment, Co-Convenor Piyaray Lal Bhat urged the community to bridge its glorious past with a determined future, inviting every Kashmiri Pandit to reconnect with their sacred homeland—not as a memory, but as a lived reality.

Earlier, at the press conference, Dr. M. K. Bhat, Chairman of Sanjeevani Sharda Kendra (SSK) and Chief Spokesperson of the Navreh Mahotsav Aayojan Samiti–2026, outlined the vision behind the two-day programme. He highlighted that the Samiti—formed in collaboration with multiple socio-cultural organisations—has, since 2021, transformed Navreh Mahotsav into a growing collective movement.

“What began as a cultural observance,” Dr. Bhat noted, “has evolved into a shared resolve—urging Kashmiri Pandits everywhere to celebrate these defining days collectively, wherever they are, while keeping their gaze firmly fixed on Kashmir.”

Now in its sixth edition, Navreh Mahotsav stands not just as a festival—but as a bridge between memory and return, between exile and belonging.

And this year, above all, it stands as a solemn, unambiguous pledge:

That the next Navreh will not be celebrated away from home—but in Kashmir itself.

Restoring Roots: Domicile Certificates to Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Restoring Roots: Domicile Certificates to Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors

(By: Dr Rajesh Bhat)*

In a historic and emotional move, Jammu and Kashmir  Government has begun issuing Domicile Certificates to the survivors of the 1947 Muzaffarabad and Mirpur massacres. This bold initiative transcends legal formality—it symbolizes justice, reclamation, and a vital step towards integrating all parts of Jammu and Kashmir under India’s control. The issuance of these certificates not only acknowledges the suffering of the survivors but also underscores the government’s determination to reunify the region, long divided by conflict and external occupation.

Bold & Clear: R/o Kotli, Muzaffarabad, Jammu and Kashmir

A Century-Long Journey of Identity and Survival

For the people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, the journey from the status of State Subject to Permanent Resident and now to Domicile, has been an odyssey spanning nearly a century. It captures the resilience of these communities, transitioning from the British Raj to post-Independence India, and now to Bharat. This latest development is particularly meaningful for the descendants of massacre survivors, whose ancestral homes lie in what is now Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). For them, the Domicile Certificate is more than a legal document—it is a powerful recognition of their rightful place in modern India.

Recognition of Historical Roots and Suffering

In 2020, the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir issued administrative orders replacing the old State Subject with the new Domicile Certificates, signifying a major shift in the legal recognition of its residents. While the new rules extend eligibility to various categories of individuals—such as those who have served or studied in Jammu and Kashmir—the most profound aspect of this move is its recognition of the survivors of the Mirpur and Muzaffarabad massacres.

 J&K Domicile Certificates to Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors and their decedents

For the first time, these survivors and their descendants, who lost their ancestral homes during the 1947 invasion, are now officially recognized as domiciles of Jammu and Kashmir. To ensure that more bonafide migrants  can reclaim their status, the government in October 2024 had extended the deadline for obtaining Domicile Certificates to May 15, 2025.

Symbolism of the New Certificates

The Domicile Certificates issued to massacre survivors prominently feature the names of their ancestral villages in Muzaffarabad and Mirpur. This is more than symbolic; it reflects the government’s commitment to reclaiming PoK and reintegrating it with India. These certificates, issued under the authority of the J&K Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner (Migrant), send a clear message: these lands are still an integral part of India.

We, the descendants of Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivors

Political Shift After the Abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A

The political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir changed dramatically after the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A in August 2019, enabling the central government to fully integrate the region with the rest of India. This has paved the way for decisive actions like the issuance of Domicile Certificates to the survivors of the 1947  Muzaffarabad massacres. The move also aligns with India’s broader strategy to reclaim territories illegally occupied by Pakistan, as enshrined in the Parliament’s 1994 resolution.

Following this, the Survey General of India released a new political map in 2019, including Muzaffarabad and Mirpur as districts of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, further asserting that these regions remain part of India.

Reclaiming Lost Territory, Sending a Bold Message

The fall of Muzaffarabad to Pashtun tribes backed by Pakistan on October 22, 1947, marked the beginning of a dark period in Jammu and Kashmir’s history. Thousands were massacred, and survivors were forced to flee, leaving behind homes that they never saw again. Now, with the issuance of Domicile Certificates to their descendants, the Indian government is righting the wrongs of the past. The recognition of these survivors is not only a legal gesture but a bold statement of India’s intent to reunify Jammu and Kashmir.

This move strengthens India’s legal and moral claim to the region while eroding Pakistan’s narrative. By officially recognizing the residents of Muzaffarabad, the government is demonstrating an unwavering commitment to reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).

A Symbol of Justice for Survivors

For the survivors of the massacres and their descendants, these certificates are more than just legal documentation. They are a symbol of justice and recognition, acknowledging their lost homes and heritage. Decades after the tragic events of 1947, the Indian government is addressing their plight, ensuring their ancestral roots are acknowledged and their rights restored.

The 1994 resolution passed by the Indian Parliament clearly calls for Pakistan to vacate the occupied territories. By issuing Domicile Certificates and redrawing the political map without LoC and  to include Muzaffarabad and Mirpur in the UT of J&K, the government is making a strong push to achieve this goal.

A Strategic Masterstroke in Geopolitics

In the broader context of international geopolitics, this move sends a powerful message to Pakistan and the global community. It reaffirms India’s stance on PoK and highlights its commitment to reclaiming and integrating all parts of Jammu and Kashmir. By acknowledging the ancestral roots of the massacre survivors, the government is addressing a long-standing historical injustice while making a strategic move to unsettle Pakistan. This calculated masterstroke bolsters pro-India sentiments within PoK and reinforces India’s rightful claim to the region.

* Dr.Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher, formerly associated with Daily Excelsior, Jammu and The Tribune, Chandigarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War.

When Baramulla bore the brunt of tribal raid

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
When Baramulla bore the brunt of tribal raid
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

When the tribal raiders from Pakistan entered Kashmir in October 1947, the Valley was plunged into chaos. But nowhere was the suffering more concentrated, more haunting, than in Baramulla. For thirteen harrowing days, this serene town at the gateway to the Valley lived through what survivors would later call “thirteen years of hell.”

The invaders—armed tribesmen backed by Pakistan—descended upon Baramulla with a fury that spared no one. The town was looted, torched, and left soaked in blood. Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, or Christian—it made little difference to the marauders. Eminent lawyer and author K.L. Gauba, in his book Inside Pakistan (1948), recorded that “the raiders made little distinction between their victims.”

A Town Drenched in Blood

Gauba estimated that over a thousand people were killed in Baramulla alone. Among the slain were Lt. Col. and Mrs. Dykes, four Sisters of Mercy, and a Mother Superior from the Convent of St. Joseph’s. The Dykes’ infant child, Gauba writes with chilling simplicity, “was thrown down a well.”

Even the sacred walls of the mission hospital and convent offered no sanctuary. Captured tribesmen later confessed that the Europeans were killed on the very day the raiders stormed the town. The hospital and post office were destroyed, hostages taken, and every semblance of order obliterated.

The Loot That Never Ended

The assault on Baramulla was led by Major Khurshid Anwar, with Major Mohammed Aslam among his subordinates. Their force, numbering between 3,000 and 5,000, operated in waves—some coming, others leaving—each group looting anew. “The same sections of the town were plundered repeatedly,” Gauba noted.

When the raiders finally fled, nearly a hundred lorries—many bearing license plates from Pakistan’s Frontier Province and Punjab—stood lined up, laden with stolen goods. “There was not a grain of rice or a yard of cloth left,” Gauba lamented.

A Valley Torn by Fire and Fear

The road from Baramulla to Uri was littered with the wreckage of trucks and carts abandoned by the fleeing invaders. Overhead, Associated Press photographer Max Despott saw the devastation firsthand: “More than twenty villages were in flames,” he reported on November 2, 1947. The marauders were moving toward Srinagar, burning and looting everything in their path.

On the propaganda front too, the raiders came prepared. Leaflets printed at Lahore’s Jilani Press were scattered across villages, seeking to sway the local populace with promises and threats. Radio Pakistan was further fueling the fire.

The Mission’s Long Captivity

British journalist Andrew Whitehead, in A Mission in Kashmir, recounts how about eighty survivors—missionaries, locals, and refugees—were held captive for ten days in the hospital’s baby ward. Among them was Father George Shanks, who emerged as the leader of the trapped group, and Sydney Smith of the Daily Express, who had been captured while reporting on the conflict.

Their ordeal ended only when Indian troops liberated Baramulla on November 8, 1947. The invaders fled, leaving behind a shattered town and the echoes of their brutality.

The World Watches in Horror

The global press was quick to document the barbarity. The New York Times correspondent Robert Trumbull wrote on November 10, 1947, that “Baramulla had been stripped of its wealth and its young women.” He reported that 3,000 townspeople—including the Dykes and four European missionaries—had been slaughtered, and that 350 Hindus were locked in a building meant to be set ablaze.

The Times of London on November 11, 1947 noted that the survivors “seemed delighted to welcome the Indian troops.” The horror, however, would remain etched in memory forever.

The Orgy of Violence

As Raghvendra Singh, former Secretary in India’s Ministry of Culture, later wrote, “The raiders turned on everybody that came their way. They started wholesale loot, arson, and orgy. They burnt property of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike. They killed children, old men, and women—and committed rape on every young woman, Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh.”

Baramulla’s suffering became the defining image of Pakistan’s first invasion of Kashmir. The massacre at St. Joseph’s Convent, the killing of missionaries, and the desecration of a place of healing shocked the world’s conscience.

The Forgotten Horror

Today, few remember that Baramulla was the first town in independent India to face a full-scale foreign invasion. It was also the place where humanity itself was tested—and, for thirteen dark days, found wanting.

The raiders failed to capture Srinagar, but they succeeded in revealing the depths of their savagery. Baramulla paid the price—with its people, its peace, and its very soul.

Massacre at St Joseph’s Mission Hospital Baramulla, Kashmir ( Pics source: Internet)

T

  A Lanka in Kashmir!

Kashmir Rechords
-
1
  A Lanka in Kashmir!
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

It sounds incredible but it is a fact that Lanka exists in  Kashmir! Situated on the Eastern side of the sprawling Wular Lake, the major portion of this Lanka ( island) is presently submerged in water.

A tip of this Lanka, which is presently seen above water, is now known by the name Zain-Lank, for the reason that Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin is believed to have constructed a mosque near the ruins of a Temple which  earlier existed on the island ( then called Sona Lank)  but was dismantled by Sikander, the iconoclast.

Temple Ruins at Zain Lank, Wular Lake, Kashmir

Unfortunately,hardly any voice has been raised over this very unknown Temple lying in ruins/submerged on this Island (Lanka), in Wular Lake which is connected through Bandipora and Sopore, the two major Towns of North Kashmir.

  Zain Lanka on Temple Debris?

According to J&K’s renowned writer, Jyoteeshwar Pathak, the Zeen Lenkh (Zain Lanka) does not find any mention in the Kalhana’s Rajatarangini. In his write-up published in  `Kashmir Today’  Magazine ( April-May, 1994) and  while  quoting  Moti Lal Saqi’s  Book “Aager Neb’’ , mentions that there was no existence of the island before the 12th century AD,  but the same was raised in  Wular lake with debris of several dismantled temples  which used to be in the vicinity of  villages around Wular Lake.

 Charles Ellison Bate’s Gazetteer of Kashmir provides similar description stating that during the rule of Zain-ul-Abidin (1420-70) the remains of the temples dismantled by Sikander, the iconoclast were thrown into the Lake  where an island was developed and given the name Lanka.  Historian Anand Koul Bamzai writes that the Island is  no other than Sona-Lankh (the golden island), now called Zain Lank.

Jonaraja, the poet laureate in the court of Zain-ul-Abidin provides a significant evidence about this island. According to him, the surroundings around  Wular Lake during 9th Century used to present a unique example of archaeology. The stone laden boats were sailed into Mahapadmasar, (the Wular) and the land thus developed was named as Lenkh (Lanka or Island). A royal palace was built in the lake under the supervision of Engineer Suyya, the  9th century engineer who is identified with Suyyapur (Present-day Sopore), Kashmir.

However, Jyoteeshwar Pathak says that an inscription in the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar provides an insight in the existence of this island. This inscription refers to the island as the Zain Lank ( Island).

A Page from Kashmir Today ( 1994)– A Publication of Directorate of Department of Information, J&K Government.

Mirza Haider Daghlak, a ruler of Kashmir in the early 15th century has been quoted saying, “Zeen Lankh” was an ideal spot for picnics and entertainments. The island was 100 feet long and 75 feet wide. The King had developed a beautiful garden over this island, which included the fruit laden trees and flowers of several kinds. There was a three storey building on the northern side and a beautiful mosque.

 Travellers to Kashmir’s Lanka

François Bernier (1673) in his travelogue provides a detail of the ‘Zain Lankh’. According to him, there was a small hut in the middle of the lake with a small garden adjoining it.

This quadrangle island has perhaps vanished by the time William Moorcroft (1767 – 27 August 1825) visited the site. According to him, the circumference of the island was 300 yard. The structure expected in the island was definitely related to the Indian architectures. These structures are now in a dilapidated stage. He found neither any inscription nor any idol there. The temple  pillars were, however, found in the scattered state. There was, however, a quadrangle building on the left side. There were some hutments over the island, which were inhabited by entirely poor people.

Baron Charles Hügel, who visited this site in 1835 AD, writes: “There is   a small island near the banks called Lanka. Several experiments on astrology were performed there”. According to him, the mosque built by Hassan Khan and the palaces built by Zain-ul-Abidin are particularly attractive.

Sir Richard Temple visited the place in 1859. According to him, the Lanka is quite an attractive place. The whole of area is full of mud and marsh and it has lost beauty due to submergence in water. The architecture of the temple resembles the ancient temple architecture. These are the remains of mosque built by Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin where the king used to worship in the month of Ramadan.

Present Day Lanka

The island is definitely  in a dilapidated   condition and requires an urgent attention. There are reports of having thrown the ruins of temple into water in order to pave the way for the construction of a new mosque there. However, some old temple structures and boulders still exist. The Island is an ideal place for the Department of  State Archaeology and Archaeological Survey of India  (ASI)  to help them in waking  up from the  deep slumber. J&K Government can develop it as a Tourist Spot, while Historians can further dig the debris on which the island lies.

For locals, especially for fishermen,  the Island was and is still a safe and protected place whenever anything untoward or unfortunate  happens in the Lake area. They protect themselves during storms and high speed winds. They believe that even if the water level rises in the Wular, the island remains afloat.

 Catastrophe: When over 9,000 Kashmiri Pandits died at Harmukh Ganga!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
 Catastrophe: When over 9,000 Kashmiri Pandits died at Harmukh Ganga!
(By: K R Ishan)

Kashmiri Pandits have suffered a lot at the hands of tyrants! Even Nature has been cruel towards them!. This is evident from that fact that over 9,000 Kashmiri Pandits, including children and women, had perished on their way to Harmukh Ganga pilgrimage, over 500 years ago in 1516 AD!  Harmukh, originally “Haramukuta” is a mountain with a peak elevation of 5,142 metres (16,870 ft), in the present Ganderbal district of Jammu and Kashmir.

 There is a mention of this tragic incident in many books and records, but unfortunately, most people are unaware of this catastrophe that had befallen on Kashmiri Pandits!

 Pandit Anand Koul in his 100 year old book “The Kashmiri Pandit’’  (1924)  makes a mention of this tragic incident. The incident had taken place during the reign of Sultan Fateh Shah (1489 A.D.), the 12th Sultan of Kashmir. For nine years, his Minister was Musa Raina, a bigoted Shia, who had tyrannised Hindus, imposing jaziya on them and destroying their temples.

  A Double Whammy for Kashmiri Pandits

It is said of Musa Raina that he had forcibly converted 24,000 Brahmin families to his own religion. In 1516 AD, about 10,000 Kashmiri Pandits had decided to undertake a   pilgrimage to Harmukh Ganga, in order to immerse the ashes of those 800 Hindus who had been massacred during Ashura.  However, Nature too resorted to a double whammy   when Pandits  on a pilgrimage to the Harmukh Ganga, perished at  Mahalesh Marg owing to having lost their way at night.  According to Anand Koul, the place where they perished is called Hap Radan (dead defile).

 Anand Koul quotes the following Persian couplet that gives the chronogram of this catastrophe:-

Az biyábán kashida sar tarikh Ghút guftá “Tabáhiye Panditán.”
—-Meaning “having lifted its head from the desert, the date was said by the will-o’-the-wisp— “the destruction of the Pandits’’.

 Poet-historian Suka Pandit too says about this cataclysm.  “Ganga was oppressed with hunger, as it was after a long time that she had devoured bones; she surely devoured the men also who carried the bones.”  It was in fact after a gap of so many years that Pandits were allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Harmukh Lake, which, however, ended in the most devastating tragedy. Suka Pandit was a Kashmiri poet and historian who wrote Rajatarangini between 1517 and 1596.  A student of Prajyabhatta, the  work  of Suka Pandit is considered a supplement to Kalhana’s Rajatarangini.

   Dr  Satish Ganjoo, a noted Historian and a Senior Faculty at Central University of Himachal Pradesh, in his research paper “ A Political Study of Ancient Vedic-Saraswat Kashmiri Pandit Society’’, published in June, 2017, also   makes a mention of this natural catastrophe that had befallen Kashmiri Pandits over 500 years ago. However, while Pt Anand Koul mentions 1516 AD (923 Hijra) as the year of tragedy, Dr Ganjoo quoted the year of tragedy as 1519.

The Dreaded Tyrant Soma Chandra ( Musa Raina)

The tragedy at Harmukh Lake had occurred as the Kashmiri Pandits  who were allowed  to perform this pilgrimage after a long time, wanted to perform the religious rites of all those near and dear ones who had been killed  during the era of  Mir Shamas-ud-Din Iraqi, the  founder of Nurbakhshiyyeh Order (Shia sect) who  had visited Kashmir  Valley twice in 1477 AD  and 1496 AD for  propagating  his faith. He  was helped in his “mission’’  by Soma Chandra,   the most dreaded tyrant, who had rechristened himself  as   Malik Musa Raina after converting to  Shia Islam.

   Not only were the vulnerable Brahmans, even the Sunni Muslims also violently converted to Shia sect by murderous techniques. This dogmatic fanaticism had even crippled the Sunni ruler of Kashmir, Fateh Shah (AD 1510-1517). A khanqah was built at Zadibal, Srinagar by Iraqi, which became the nucleus of Shia concentration.

 Burning Sacred Threads of Pandits

 In his Book, “ This Beautiful India –Jammu and Kashmir” ( 1977), Dr  Sukhdev Singh Chib  mentions that  Iraqi had even issued orders that everyday about 1500 to 2000  Brahmans be brought to his doorsteps, remove their sacred threads, administer Kalima to them, circumcise them and make them eat beef. These decrees were ferociously and brutally carried out. The Hindu religious scriptures from 7th century AD onwards and about 18 magnificent temples were destroyed, property confiscated and women abused. Thousands of Brahmans had killed themselves to evade this horrific barbarism and thousands migrated to other places, resulting in their third tragic mass exodus from the Valley. Those who stayed behind were not only forced to pay jaziya, but their noses and ears were chopped off.

According to Baharistan – i -Shahi, “Dulucha, a Tartar chief from Central Asia, who had invaded Kashmir with 60,000 strong horsemen, had also inflicted terrible miseries upon the people including the Brahmans.

According to W.R. Lawrence, Brahmans of Kashmir were during those days given three choices—death, conversion or exile. “Many fled, many were converted and many were killed, and it is said that this thorough monarch (Sikandar) burnt seven maunds of sacred threads of the murdered Brahmans”. As for the statement of Lawrence, six maunds of sacred threads of converts and seven maunds of murdered Pandits were burnt. The number of people, to whom these thirteen maunds of sacred threads belonged, might have been tremendously colossal. A mammoth number of the Pandits also went into exile, causing the first disastrous mass exodus of the community. Not only Sikandar- the Butshikan, but Suha Bhatta – the convert, also was responsible for this barbarous, murderous and cruel approach towards Kashmiri Pandits.  

The brutal religious persecution of the Kashmiri Pandits has been borne testimony to by almost all the Muslim historians. Hassan, Fauq and Nizam–ud–Din have condemned these excesses in unscathing terms. It was the reign of terror and homicide. Even then, they did not forget their past and rich tradition. As the custodians of their extraordinary cultural heritage, they wrote the illuminating treatises on the stupendous Kashmir Shaivism, colossal literature, splendid art, marvellous music, grammar and medicine.

A Forgotten Kashmiri Pandit Temple in Pakistan’s Gujrat !

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
A Forgotten Kashmiri Pandit Temple in Pakistan’s Gujrat !

A recent find by Kashmir Rechords—a rare Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from 1924-1934—has uncovered a forgotten chapter of history, revealing the existence of a “Fire Temple” dedicated to Swami Dhooni Sahib near Gujrat, Pakistan. Built by the Kashmiri Pandit community in Qilladar (Killadar) around 1884, this temple and adjacent school embody their devotion, cultural resilience, and educational values.

(By:Dr.Rajesh Bhat)*

The recent discovery of a rare Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from British India, dated between 1924 and 1934, has revealed a hidden chapter of history, bringing to light an extraordinary story of cultural resilience and devotion. This directory not only showcases the lives of Kashmiri Pandits across British India but also unveils the existence of a unique Temple, built in memory of the revered mystic Swami Dhooni Sahib. This structure stands as a symbol of the community’s enduring spirit and reverence, located near Gujrat city  in what is now Pakistan.

Historical Significance of the Dhooni Temple

The Dhooni Sahib Temple, or what they now call, “Fire Temple,”  is believed to have been constructed around 1884 in the town of Qilladar (also known as Killadar) in Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan. Adjacent to this sacred structure, the Kashmiri Pandit community also built a school and an inn for travellers—a testament to their commitment to education and hospitality. The temple’s location and purpose hold unique cultural importance, as it was built on a site with natural flames emerging from the earth, which possibly drew mystics like Swami Dhooni Sahib for worship.

In addition to its religious significance, the site highlights the cohesive nature of the Kashmiri Pandit community in preserving their heritage. Despite being scattered across British India, these families maintained strong ties to their roots, even constructing a temple and school far from their homeland to honor their values and spiritual mentors.

Qilladar: A Hub of Heritage and Influence

Qilladar, a town in Gujrat District near the Upper Jhelum Canal, became a cultural and spiritual centre for the Kashmiri Pandits in British India. Its strategic location—close to major cities like Amritsar, Lahore, Sialkot and Jammu—made it a meeting point for communities and travellers alike. The town was historically significant as some of the decedents of Dewan Dena Nath, a prominent  Kashmiri Pandit figure in the Sikh Empire’s durbar, continued his legacy of community building by constructing the Fire Temple in Dhooni Sahib’s honor.

Under the governance of Sir Charles Umpherston Aitchinson, then Lt. Governor of Punjab, the Kashmiri Pandit community received support to build the temple. Dewan Dena Nath’s family lineage and the Madan clan, notable Kashmiri Pandits in the region, were instrumental in maintaining the temple and the school complex, which fostered learning and faith for future generations.

Legends and Myths of the `Fire’ Temple

The Dhooni Temple, according to local traditions, is said to be rooted in mystical significance. Stories speak of a perpetual flame emerging naturally from the earth, which may have inspired Dhooni Sahib and other mystics to consider it a sacred site. Sadly, this remarkable heritage site now suffers from encroachment and deterioration, with remnants barely hinting at its former grandeur.

Today, videos and photos of the temple(s) circulated by local Pakistani content creators have sparked interest, though limited historical knowledge has left gaps in understanding the temple’s origin. Misinterpretations have even led to speculation that it might be a Sun Temple, as the word “Dhooni” relates to fire in Hindi.  This post of Kashmir Rechords thus  aims to dispel these myths by bringing clarity to the temple’s history and role in the Kashmiri Pandit tradition.

Legacy in Peril: The Struggle to Preserve a Heritage Site

The once-vibrant structures of the Dhooni Sahib Temple and the school complex now stand in a state of disrepair. Maharaj Baheshar Nath Razdan, a Kashmiri Pandit who managed the temple, school, and inn, dedicated years of service to preserving the sanctity of the site. However, the passing of time and the division wrought by the 1947 partition has left this cultural gem largely abandoned.

Although local YouTubers and enthusiasts have made efforts to document the site, the absence of comprehensive historical data has hindered a true appreciation of its value. Kashmir Rechords thus  hopes to reconstruct the story of the Fire Temple, school, and the surrounding community to share it with future generations, ensuring that this chapter of Kashmiri Pandit heritage remains in collective memory.

The Present Condition of Dhooni `Fire’ Temple at Qilladar, Gujrat.Pic Courtesy: Ratas Hussain, YouTuber

Rediscovering the Past for Future Generations

With the Urdu directory of Kashmiri Pandits from 1924–1934 now in hand, Kashmir Rechords is embarking on a journey to uncover and share further insights about Kashmiri Pandit life and legacy across British India. This historical document, filled with photographs, family details, and anecdotes, is a window into a rich heritage that extends beyond the geographical boundaries of Kashmir.

Through ongoing research and publications, Kashmir Rechords aspires to illuminate more such hidden stories. The Dhooni Saheb Temple in Qilladar, Gujrat,  serves not only as a reminder of Kashmiri Pandit faith and resilience but also as an inspiration for preserving cultural memory, honoring the past while paving the way for future generations to rediscover and cherish their heritage.

* Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher; formerly associated with Daily Excelsior J&K and The Tribune, Chandīgarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War. He can be reached at: raajbhat@gmail.com

The Judge Who Stood for Justice, Now Awaits His Own!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
The Judge Who Stood for Justice, Now Awaits His Own!

on November 4, 1989, Judge  Neelkanth Ganjoo’s body lay unattended—an unsettling reminder of the fear that gripped the valley

Kashmir Rechords’ Tributes

On a crisp November 4 morning in 1989, a figure strolled out of a local Bank on Hari Singh High Street in Srinagar, unaware that these steps would be his last. Judge Neelkanth Ganjoo, a retired yet resolute man of 72, was leaving his last public errand, his life soon to be cut short by a group of terrorists lurking nearby. As they approached him in broad daylight, they brought not only an end to a life devoted to justice but also plunged an entire community of Kashmiri Pandits into fear and sorrow. The tragic irony lies here: the man who had delivered justice to countless others was denied it himself, even 35 years later. His soul, like those of many others, seems to be waiting—crying out for the justice he had once so boldly represented.

Judge Ganjoo’s life, much like his death, was marked by acts of immense courage. He was a Kashmiri Pandit and a towering figure in the judicial world of Jammu and Kashmir. Between 1966 and 1968, he presided over a sensational and deeply polarizing trial: that of Maqbool Butt, co-founder of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), charged with the murder of police constable Amar Chand. The trial ended with Judge Ganjoo pronouncing the death sentence on Butt in August 1968, a decision that would haunt him until his final day. Over the years, attempts on his life became a grim routine, as newspapers of that era reported that no fewer than six attempts had been made at his home in Karan Nagar. Despite the serious threats, he was denied elaborate  protection. And on that fateful day of  November 4, 1989, his assassins succeeded.

As his lifeless body lay in the street for hours, unmoved and unattended, Srinagar went back to its usual humdrum life. Buses resumed their routes, shops reopened, and people went about their daily business, some averting their gaze, others too terrified to even approach. Eventually, a few brave Policemen risked their own safety to retrieve his body, but even that final act of dignity came too late.

The Soul That Still Cries for Justice

In August 2023, thirty-four years after Judge Ganjoo’s assassination, the Jammu and Kashmir Police’s State Investigation Agency (SIA) issued a public communiqué asking for assistance to solve the case. With promises of protection and rewards for any information, they rekindled hope for answers.

But to the family, this seemed like pouring salt into old wounds. It was, as they put it, “too little, too late.” After so many years of waiting, they feared the renewed investigation might only deepen their pain. After all, decades had passed with the killers evading justice, and the world had moved on, leaving Judge Ganjoo’s family to grapple with their grief alone. More than a year has passed since this public notice was published in newspapers, but no headway has reportedly been met till date.

Judge Ganjoo’s killing was not an isolated tragedy; it was a calculated move to strike fear into the heart of the Kashmiri Pandit community, a second high-profile murder after the assassination of BJP leader Tika Lal Taploo. These targeted killings became part of a larger campaign of terror, aiming to drive the Pandits from their homeland not  by choice but  by force. Thousands were forced into exile, leaving behind the land their ancestors had cherished for centuries.

The memory of Judge Ganjoo’s assassination still looms like a shadow over the justice system he once upheld. Even now, his soul lingers, echoing through the annals of history, asking for the very justice he had delivered to so many. His was a life committed to principles, bound by duty. And as the valley’s wounds from those dark days remain unhealed, the judge’s silent cry for justice reverberates—a poignant reminder of the forgotten, of a life sacrificed, and a soul still waiting for peace.

Meet The Youngest Voice from 1947  Muzaffarabad Massacre!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Meet The Youngest Voice from 1947  Muzaffarabad Massacre!

(By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat)*

In October 1947, as three-year-old Jaswant Singh lay in his grandmother’s arms, he had little idea of the tragedy surrounding him. In a brutal act of violence that would devastate hundreds of Sikh families, including his own, his father, mother, and grandfather were killed in the Muzaffarabad massacre, which swept through the region in a wave of religious persecution and violence. Caught in the turmoil, Jaswant  Singh lost nearly everything—except for the steadfast love and protection of his grandmother, Bhani Devi.

In a display of unwavering courage, Bhani Devi managed to flee with young Jaswant in tow, carrying him through harrowing paths to escape the raiders. This elderly woman, with her only surviving grandchild cradled close, would become his entire world. Though she carried him to safety, she left behind her husband, Subha Singh, and the homeland that had nurtured generations of their family. Clutching a black-and-white photograph of his grandmother Bhani Devi, Jaswant  Singh continues to carry her memory and the shared legacy wherever he goes.

Bani Devi, registered as a Migrant from Pakistan-held -Kashmir in 1960.

Finding Refuge, Rebuilding Lives

The survivor of 1947 Muzaffarabad Massacre–Bani Devi

The journey of Grandmother-Grandson  duo was marked by constant struggle, from the makeshift refugee camps of Dharamshala to Bhopal. While they found temporary shelter, Jaswant, Bhani Devi and hundreds of other Sikh families shared an intense yearning to honor the loved ones they’d lost. Finally, in 1956, they found a place of permanent refuge in Patiala, Punjab. Arriving with little more than memories and heartache, these families began to rebuild their lives, starting from scratch.

In Patiala, the State granted them barren lands. Despite their determination, the infertile soil was almost impossible to cultivate, and Bhani Devi, like many others, eventually had to surrender the land. But these resilient families found strength in each other. United in loss, they nurtured a powerful vision: a sacred space where they could remember and honor those left behind in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur.

The Gurudwara: A Sanctuary of Remembrance and Resilience

In 1956, with community support, these survivors created Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, in Patiala. Rising tall in the Tripari area, this Gurudwara is much more than bricks and mortar—it stands as a testament to the resilience of a community that, despite devastating loss, held fast to their faith and unity. It serves as a shrine to history, a sanctuary for grief, and a reminder to future generations of the courage it took to survive. (Kashmir Rechords has already carried a detailed story on Shri Gurudwara, Muzaffarabad, Patiala and can be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/gurudwara-at-patiala-a-beacon-for-the-survivors-of-muzaffarabad-massacre/)

Today, this sacred Gurudwara brings together the descendants of nearly 300 families who endured the Muzaffarabad massacre. Every year, they gather within its walls to share stories, pay respects, and honor the memories of those they lost. For Jaswant Singh and countless others, this Gurudwara is more than a place of worship. It is a sanctuary of resilience, a standing reminder of the spirit’s ability to endure in the face of adversity.

1947 Muzaffarabad Massacre Survivor, Jaswant Singh with the Author.

A Legacy Carried Forward

Jaswant Singh, now in his twilight years, sees the Gurudwara as a reminder not only of the past but of the enduring unity, faith, and remembrance that keep his community strong. As he looks at the photograph of his grandmother, he carries forward not only her memory but also the collective legacy of those who survived with him. Through Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, the story of survival, strength, and remembrance lives on, reminding everyone that, no matter the hardship, the human spirit can—and will—endure.

  • *Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher; formerly associated with Daily Excelsior J&K and The Tribune, Chandīgarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War.

When Two Raos  Had Planned the Return of Kashmiri Pandits!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
When Two Raos  Had Planned the Return of Kashmiri Pandits!

A 1996 Plan by Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and Governor Gen K.V. Krishna Rao to Bring Back Exiled  Kashmiri Pandits Failed Due to Resistance from Within the Community.

(Kashmir Re’Chords Exclusive)

In the early months of 1996, India was on the verge of a bold initiative that could have reshaped the fate of thousands of exiled Kashmiri Pandits. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, General K.V. Krishna Rao, were working on a meticulously devised plan aimed at facilitating the return of Kashmiri Pandit families, who had to flee  the Valley during the violent unrest of the 1990s. The plan was on the brink of being set in motion, with both leaders determined to see it through. However, a surprising and strong resistance from Kashmiri Pandit organizations themselves would eventually stall this historic move.

A Vision for Homecoming

Prime Minister Rao, known for his political astuteness and deep understanding of Kashmir’s complex socio-political landscape, was deeply committed to bringing the Kashmiri Pandits back to their homeland. Supported by General Krishna Rao, the then  Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, the plan aimed to restore normalcy in the region through the rehabilitation of those displaced by militancy. The blueprint was prepared over several months of discussions, between October 1995 and February 1996, with the intention of launching the initiative in April of that year.

At the heart of the plan was the establishment of a special Council dedicated to the rehabilitation of victims of militancy. This Council, chaired by the Governor with the Chief Secretary as its executive head, had been registered and equipped with an initial corpus of Rs 20 crore. It laid the groundwork for a phased return of Kashmiri Pandit families to selected, safer areas of the Valley.

Confidence Building and Social Dialogue

The return plan was not just logistical but also strategic in fostering a social dialogue between the migrants and the local communities in Kashmir. Visits to the migrant camps by prominent Valley personalities were envisaged to build trust and pave the way for reconciliation. A few zones in areas like Pulwama, Baramulla, Anantnag, Bandipora and Srinagar were identified as initial points of resettlement, where social interactions could help initiate a broader peace process.

Newspaper reports from March 1996 available with Kashmir Rechords  suggest that many Kashmiri Pandits had shown interest in the plan, raising hopes that a peaceful return was possible. According to the then Chief Secretary, Ashok Kumar, the groundwork was laid, and initial responses were encouraging.

Resistance from Within

However, despite the careful planning and the personal commitment of Prime Minister Rao and Governor Krishna Rao, the return plan faced an unexpected and vehement rejection from key Kashmiri Pandit organizations. On March 19, 1996, just as the plan was being formalized, major migrant groups unanimously opposed the initiative.

N.N. Kaul, president of the Kashmiri Samiti Delhi, led the charge against the plan, accusing the government of taking Kashmiri migrants for granted. Ramesh Razdan, general secretary of Panun Kashmir, dismissed the move as “vague and meaningless,” while A.N. Vaishnavi, president of the All-State Kashmiri Pandit Conference (ASKPC), issued a “clear cut directive” to all Pandit migrants, urging them to avoid contact with members of the Valley’s majority community.

A Missed Opportunity

As the resistance mounted and the 1996 general elections loomed, the window for implementing the plan rapidly closed. With the change of government in May 1996, P.V. Narasimha Rao’s tenure ended, and with it, the dream of facilitating the return of Kashmiri Pandits faded into the background. Though Rao had been passionate about the issue, the resistance from within the Pandit community itself had made it difficult to proceed.

Now, nearly three decades later, in 2024, the exiled Kashmiri Pandits remain scattered across the country, still awaiting a viable return plan. The opposition from various organizations persists, and the dream of reconciliation and return, envisioned by the two Raos, remains unfulfilled.

The efforts of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and Governor Gen K.V. Krishna Rao stand as a poignant reminder of a missed opportunity—one that could have possibly rewritten the history of Kashmir.

Gurudwara at Patiala: A Beacon for the Survivors of Muzaffarabad Massacre

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Gurudwara at Patiala: A Beacon for the Survivors of Muzaffarabad Massacre
(By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat)*

The Gurudwara, Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, Kashmirian at  Patiala, Punjab is more than a building. It is a monument to the grief, love, and resilience of a community that endured unspeakable horrors. Each year, the descendants of those 300 families gather here to commemorate the victims of the October 1947 Muzaffarabad massacre.

In the heart of Patiala, Punjab, stands a small Gurudwara—an emblem of resilience, remembrance, and hope. This sacred place is not merely a site of worship but a living testament to a story woven in pain, loss, and unyielding courage. It tells the tale of 300 Sikh families from Muzaffarabad and Kotli, whose ancestors once thrived in what is now Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. These families lived harmoniously with their land and traditions until the tragic events of October 1947 forever altered their destinies.

The partition of India left deep scars across the subcontinent, and for these families, the impact was especially profound. When Pashtun tribesmen, backed by the Pakistani Army, stormed through the villages of Mirpur, Kotli, and Muzaffarabad, the lives of these Sikh families were irreparably shattered. Their peaceful homes were transformed into battlegrounds, and their loved ones became martyrs in a storm of violence. Thousands of Sikhs and Hindus were mercilessly killed, and women were forced to jump into rivers to escape enslavement and forced conversion.

The Escape from Muzaffarabad

Amidst this horror, around 300 Sikh families of Muzaffarabad and 20 surrounding villages  miraculously survived the massacre. Fleeing with nothing but the clothes on their backs and the grief of leaving behind their ancestral lands, they sought refuge in migrant camps, first in  Dharamshala and then at  Bhopal. Despite their immense loss, they were determined to keep the memory of their fallen loved ones alive.

Rebuilding Lives in Patiala

In 1956, after moving from migrant Camp set up at Bhopal,  these survivors finally found solace in Patiala, Punjab, where they began to rebuild their lives. Yet, they did not—and could not—forget their past. In memory of those who were killed, they united to construct a Gurudwara—a sacred place that would forever honor the souls lost in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur.

The Gurudwara Shri Guru Singh Sabha, Muzaffarabad Baradari, Kashmirian at  Tripari, Patiala, is more than a building. It is a monument to the grief, love, and resilience of a community that endured unspeakable horrors. Each year, the descendants of those 300 families gather here to commemorate the victims of the October 1947 Muzaffarabad massacre. The retelling of their ancestors’ stories serves not to reopen old wounds but to ensure the sacrifices of their people are never forgotten.

A Beacon of Strength and Memory

This Gurudwara stands as a reminder not just of the partition but of the enduring human spirit in the face of overwhelming loss. For the descendants of these families, their ancestors’ stories are not distant history but a living legacy, shaping their identity and sense of purpose.

As time passes, the physical evidence of the violence in Muzaffarabad and Kotli may fade, but the Gurudwara in Patiala ensures that the memory of those who were killed for their faith remains eternal. It serves as both a silent witness to their suffering and a powerful proclamation of their resilience. Through prayers, tears, and unwavering faith, the survivors of 1947 and their descendants keep the spirit of their homeland alive, forever yearning for the lands they were forced to leave but never truly lost in their hearts.

* Dr.Rajesh Bhat is a Kashmir-born Journalist, Writer and Researcher, formerly associated with Daily Excelsior, Jammu and The Tribune, Chandigarh. He is the Author of Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace & War.

Maharaja Hari Singh’s `Minister-in-Waiting’ !

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Maharaja Hari Singh’s `Minister-in-Waiting’ !
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the intricate history of Kashmir, many individuals have left indelible marks, though their names may not always be celebrated. One such figure is P.K. Wattal, a Kashmiri Pandit and dedicated civil servant, who played a pivotal role during the early years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s reign as the “Minister-in-Waiting.” His story is one of unwavering commitment, meticulous governance, and a profound sense of duty that provided stability during a crucial period of transition.

A Unique Designation: The “Minister-in-Waiting”

When Maharaja Hari Singh was coronated between February 22 and 28, 1926, he ascended to the throne of a vast and complex princely state. The young ruler, facing immense responsibilities, relied heavily on seasoned administrators to guide him through the intricacies of governance. Among these trusted advisors was P.K. Wattal, who was bestowed with the unique and somewhat curious title of “Minister-in-Waiting.”

O/o Minister-in-Waiting: P K Wattal

To modern ears, the title may seem quaint, but it signified a role of immense responsibility. Wattal was far from a mere ceremonial figure; he was the backbone of the administration, entrusted with managing the critical affairs of the state during the formative years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s rule. His legendary work ethic meant he often took on the majority of file work and decision-making tasks, ensuring that the young Maharaja was not overwhelmed by the demands of his new position.

A Steady Hand in Uncertain Times

From 1926 to April 1930, Wattal’s tenure as Minister-in-Waiting was marked by his tireless dedication to ensuring the smooth operation of the state’s administration. His meticulous attention to detail provided a strong cushion for Maharaja Hari Singh, who was still acclimating to the responsibilities of leadership. Even when the Maharaja embarked on a European tour in May 1928, records assessed by Kashmir Rechords indicate that Wattal continued to manage the state’s affairs with unwavering diligence, leaving nothing to chance in the ruler’s absence.

Wattal’s commitment to his role did not go unnoticed. His “waiting” period culminated in May 1930, when he was promoted to the position of full-fledged Finance and Development Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. This elevation was a testament to his steadfast dedication to the state and his remarkable ability to manage its complex affairs with precision and skill.

Wattal’s elevation as Finance and Development Minister in 1930.

The Legacy of a Quiet Leader

Though P.K. Wattal’s contributions may not be widely recognized today, they were crucial in shaping the early years of Maharaja Hari Singh’s rule. His role as Minister-in-Waiting, though largely behind the scenes, was instrumental in laying the foundation for the administration’s future successes. Wattal embodied the qualities of a true public servant—dedication, humility, and an unwavering commitment to his duty.

As we reflect on the history of Kashmir’s princely era, it is essential to remember figures like Wattal, whose legacy reminds us that true leadership is not always about being in the spotlight; sometimes, it is about being the steady hand that guides from behind the scenes.

Readers are welcome to add to this story, if they have any inputs, since no one has so far written about Mr P K Wattal all these years !

Annie Besant’s Warning  to Kashmiri Pandits in 1903!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Annie Besant’s Warning  to Kashmiri Pandits in 1903!

Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Over 120 years ago, in a powerful and impassioned letter, Annie Besant, President of the Board of Trustees of the Central Hindu College, Benares, made a heartfelt appeal to Kashmiri Pandits living in Undivided India! Her message was clear: rise to the occasion and support the establishment of a Hindu  college in Srinagar. “The time has come for Kashmiri Pandits to contribute to the education of their homeland, or risk seeing their youth steered towards foreign ideals by Christian missionaries, flush with funds from English donors,” she warned.

Besant’s letter, published and circulated in major newspapers and journals of the time, was a rallying cry to preserve the cultural and intellectual future of Kashmir. She highlighted the urgent need for funds to elevate the Hindu High School in Srinagar—established in 1901 with the support of Maharaja Pratap Singh and his brother Amar Singh—into a second-grade college. Without this, Kashmiri students had to travel to distant cities like Lahore for higher education, a privilege many could not afford. Kashmir Rechords is in possession of this prized archival letter and is reproducing some of its  excerpts here.

Kashmir  Education at a Crossroad

At the heart of Besant’s letter was the belief that the educational future of Kashmir was at a critical juncture. The lack of higher education in the Valley meant that non-Kashmiris filled most senior positions in the State, an issue that deeply concerned both the Maharaja and the State Durbar, she warned. To remedy this, they were determined to build and fund a college in Srinagar. However, progress was being stalled, and Besant’s letter sought the active support of the prosperous Kashmiri Pandit community living in British India to make this vision a reality.

Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?” she asked in her letter, pointing to the urgent need for preserving the region’s traditions through education.

Annie Besant’s Plan: A Call for Contributions

Besant’s appeal focused on a practical solution: regular financial contributions from Kashmiri Pandits. She outlined the importance of guaranteed monthly subscriptions—whether Rs. 5, Rs. 10, Rs. 25, Rs. 50, or Rs. 100—to ensure the long-term success of the college. “Many of you can afford this without feeling any financial strain,” she reassured, urging the community to act swiftly.

Donations, along with the first month’s subscription, could be sent to the Honorary Secretary of the Central Hindu College, Benaras, clearly marked for the “Kashmir College Fund.” One-time donations for initial expenses were also welcome, but regular support was essential for ensuring the stability of the college in the years to come.

Empowering Kashmir’s Youth

Since its establishment in 1901, the Hindu High School in Srinagar had provided quality education to over 600 boys, with two additional branch schools serving younger students. The Maharaja, eager to promote higher education in his State, had worked tirelessly with the Durbar to raise the status of the school to that of a second-grade college. Yet, without sufficient funds, this vision was under threat.

At the time, Kashmiri students who wished to pursue higher education had no option but to leave the Valley for places like Lahore. For those unable to afford this, higher education remained a distant dream, and the local administration struggled to fill top government positions with qualified Kashmiri candidates. Annie Besant’s appeal came at a crucial moment, urging the community to take control of their own educational destiny.

The Legacy of Annie Besant’s Appeal

Following Besant’s passionate plea, a local managing committee was formed in Srinagar to oversee the efforts to establish the college.  There is a mention of the same in her letter. The committee included prominent figures like Dr. Bal Krishna Kaul, Rai Sahab Daya Krishna Kaul (Private Secretary to the Maharaja), Bhavani Das (Revenue Officer), Swami Baldev Ji and H.A. Wilson (Principal of the Srinagar Hindu High School), with Rishivara Mukherji serving as Honorary Secretary.

The Maharaja gladly obliged, and in 1905, the foundation of the Hindu College was laid. Initially operating from two rooms near the present-day Secretariat building, the college was eventually shifted to its permanent site in 1911.

The institution, later renamed Sri Pratap College, became affiliated with Panjab University, Lahore, marking the beginning of higher education in Kashmir. Besant’s efforts, combined with the support of the Kashmiri Pandit community, ensured that the youth of Kashmir could now pursue their academic aspirations without leaving their homeland. The future of Kashmiri education had been secured, and the cultural and intellectual heritage of the Valley was preserved for generations to come.

===

  • At Kashmir Rechords, we are committed to bringing you unique, untold stories from Jammu & Kashmir, grounded in authenticity and supported by solid evidence. Every write-up is carefully researched, verified through archival materials, documents, letters, photographs, and credible references.
  • With the unwavering support of our readers, we aim to make Kashmir Rechords a trusted repository of genuine historical insights, striking a meaningful chord with the rich heritage of Kashmir.

Kashmiri Pandit Martyrs, C/o Rajinder Park Jammu

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmiri Pandit Martyrs, C/o Rajinder Park Jammu
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
Every year on September 14, Kashmiri Pandits observe Martyrdom Day to remember their leaders and loved ones lost in the conflict of 1989-1990. One name often evoked is Pt. Tika Lal Taploo, a prominent Pandit leader whose assassination on September 14, 1989, marked the beginning of a tragic chapter that culminated in the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits on January 19, 1990. However, the martyrdom of the community extends far beyond Taploo’s death. The true tragedy lies in the loss of countless Pandits who perished far from their homeland, denied the dignity of being cremated in the sacred land of their ancestors.

For the displaced community, it wasn’t just about losing their homes, but also the final connection to their heritage—the right to rest in their own land.

Rajinder Park: A Refuge for Grief and Last Rites

In the early 1990s, the Pandit community, thrust into exile in Jammu, faced an overwhelming dilemma. With no place to gather, no traditional cremation grounds, and a communication vacuum in an era before social media, they were left in disarray. Unlike today, when a death can be shared instantly on platforms like WhatsApp, Kashmiri Pandits relied on local newspapers to spread the heart-breaking news of terrorist killings in Kashmir. The absence of a central address, a shared space for collective grief, further deepened the community’s alienation.

It was in this void that Rajinder Park, located on Jammu’s Canal Road, emerged as an unintended sanctuary. Originally a public space, it transformed into a vital gathering place where Kashmiri Pandits could come together, mourn their dead, and perform the last rites, the Tenth-Day Kriya. Families, who had fled the horrors of their homeland, now found themselves in Rajinder Park, a place that soon became symbolic of their new reality—an exile with no true home.

A Landmark of Resilience

For the older generation of Kashmiri Pandits, Rajinder Park is etched deeply in their memory. It became a witness to their collective sorrow, where the sounds of sobbing and whispered prayers replaced the serenity that once filled the park. It served as a space of solace, where families would honor their deceased and perform rituals, which were traditionally reserved for the sacred Ghats of Kashmir. In the absence of their homeland, Rajinder Park became the place where they could cling to their cultural traditions, even if it was in the heart of an unfamiliar city.

The park played this critical role for years until more formal Tenth Day Kriya Ghats were established at Muthi , Tawi Bridge in Jammu and at the banks of Chenab near Akhnoor Town. Yet, for many in the community, Rajinder Park remains more than a temporary refuge; it is a powerful reminder of those early years of displacement when Kashmiri Pandits were forced to navigate unimaginable grief and loss in exile.

While many of the younger generation may not know its significance, Rajinder Park Jammu  stands as a monument to the resilience, sacrifice, and endurance of the Kashmiri Pandit community. For those who lived through the harrowing events of 1990, the park is more than just a physical space—it is a testament to the strength of a people who, even in the depths of despair, found ways to preserve their dignity and cultural identity.

For every Kashmiri Pandit who died far from home, Rajinder Park, Jammu stands as a poignant reminder that their sacrifices, and the shared history of their community, will never be forgotten.

Kashmir’s Forgotten Doctor Who Served Before Ali Jan’s Birth

Kashmir Rechords
-
0

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the rich tapestry of Kashmir’s medical history, few names shine as brightly as that of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan (1914-1988). Known affectionately as “The Lukmaan of Kashmir,” Dr. Jan’s reputation for diagnosing and treating a wide range of ailments without the use of modern biomedical equipment made him a household name. His legacy continues to resonate in the Valley, a testament to his extraordinary skill and compassion.

But as we celebrate the achievements of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan, another name, now almost forgotten, calls out from the shadows of the past. This is the story of Dr. Abdul Waahid,  the unsung healer of early 20th Century Kashmir whose contributions predate even the birth of Dr. Jan and yet have largely faded from memory.


Long before Dr. Ali Jan became synonymous with medical care in Kashmir, there was Dr. Abdul Waahid. Practicing between 1905 and 1920, Dr. Waahid was the go-to physician for both locals and the many tourists  and visitors who flocked to the Valley. A distinguished medical practitioner from London, he brought the latest medical knowledge to a region where advanced healthcare was still a rarity.

His clinic, situated at Amira Kadal in Srinagar, near Dharamshalla was not just a place of healing but a beacon of hope for those in need of advanced medical care. Patients traveled from far and wide, including cities like Lahore and Amritsar, to seek his expertise. Even as Christian missionaries established a strong presence in Kashmir’s healthcare, Dr. Waahid’s practice flourished, a testament to his skill and dedication.

Newspapers and magazines from that era, uncovered by Kashmir Rechords, are filled with advertisements lauding Dr. Waahid’s abilities. Yet, despite his significant contributions, his name has largely faded from public memory, overshadowed by the medical luminaries who followed.

Before the advent of modern medicine, Kashmir’s healthcare was dominated by traditional practices, overseen by Hakims and Barbers. These practitioners relied on their knowledge of herbs and rudimentary surgical techniques to treat the sick. The arrival of Christian missionaries in the mid-19th century, however, marked the beginning of a transformative era in Kashmir’s healthcare—a story that is for some other day.

For those interested in exploring more of Kashmir’s rich medical history and cultural heritage, stay connected with Kashmir Rechords at www.kashmir-rechords.com. Here, you’ll find genuine, authentic anecdotes supported by historical and documentary evidence, each one a chord in the symphony of Kashmir’s past. You can also follow us on @Kashmir_Rec on Twitter and also on Face Book.


Miru Pandit: Guardian of Kashmir’s Legacy during Mughal Era

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Miru Pandit: Guardian of Kashmir’s Legacy during Mughal Era

Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the annals of Kashmir’s rich history, few figures stand out as vividly as Miru Pandit, a man who bridged the ancient wisdom of his homeland with the demands of a changing world. During the Mughal era, as Kashmir’s cultural and intellectual heritage was woven into the fabric of the empire, men like Miru Pandit  with his military prowess played a crucial role in preserving and adapting this legacy. His resilience and intellect made him a beacon of his culture, embodying the strength and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community.

Kashmiri Pandits and Mughal Empire

The Kashmiri Pandits were recognized by the Mughals as the “most respectable class,” often attracting the attention of rulers like Akbar, who valued their knowledge and integrity. This high regard is documented in several historical texts on Kashmir, including Pt Jia Lal Kilam’s “History of Kashmiri Pandits.” Although Pandits rarely reached the highest ranks of power, they were often appointed as Peshkars (administrative officials) to the Mughal Subedars. Unlike Muslims, who dominated the army’s upper echelons, Pandits were entrusted with defending volatile border regions—a significant responsibility that highlighted their capability and loyalty. This trust extended to the appointment of Rajput generals to govern Kabul and the military roles assigned to Kashmiri Pandits on the frontiers.

Early Life of Miru Pandit: From Kashmir to Deccan

Miru Pandit’s story begins during the reign of Sikandar (1394-1417 A.D.), when his ancestors migrated from Kashmir to the Bahmani kingdom in South India during Feroz Shah’s rule. Serving as an officer in command of forts in Kamraj province, with his family settled in Ellichpur (Deccan), Miru Pandit eventually left the service of the Golkanda chief and moved to Delhi. There, with the assistance of Hakim Abdul Fateh of Shiraz, he was appointed to a command position in Noor Jehan’s bodyguard.

Miru Pandit’s Bravery in Mughal History

Miru Pandit’s military prowess was brought to the forefront during a pivotal moment in Mughal history. According to “Tarikhi Aqwami Kashmir,” when Mahabat Khan, who had fallen out of favor, captured Emperor Jehangir at Jhelum, Noor Jehan rallied forces to free her husband. In the ensuing conflict, Miru Pandit distinguished himself through his skill and bravery, catching the Emperor’s attention. As a mark of royal favor, Jehangir invited Miru Pandit to return to Kashmir, where he was granted extensive jagirs and made the Governor of Kamraj. His duties included building and supervising forts at strategic locations like Sopore and Baramulla. To man these fortifications, Miru Pandit recruited forces from Muzaffarabad, Uttara Machi (Handwara), and Lolab, earning further rewards from the Mughal overlords for his efficient administration.

Legacy Continues: Bulaqi Pandit and the Defence of Kashmir

The legacy of Miru Pandit continued through his descendants. As noted by author Krishna Dar in the “History of Dar Family,” Bulaqi Pandit, Miru Pandit’s descendant, took charge of defending Kashmir’s borders. By this time, Mughal rule had weakened, and raids by Yagistani tribes had become more frequent and severe. Bulaqi Pandit responded by taking the fight to the enemy’s territory, dealing a crushing blow and securing a truce. The Yagistani leaders swore by the Holy Quran to cease their raids on Kashmir in exchange for the release of prisoners, bringing peace to the region.

Bulaqi Pandit was succeeded by his son, Makund Pandit, who, unfortunately, could not maintain a good relationship with the Subedar of Kashmir. This led to his departure from the Valley. Leaving his family in Kishtwar, he traveled to Delhi, where he presented his grievances to Emperor Mohammad Shah. The Emperor received him warmly, granted him a Khillat (robe of honor), and assigned him to the revenue administration. Although the command of the forts was transferred to another, the Pandits’ connection with the army persisted, with some joining the Sikh and Maratha armies, continuing their tradition of military service.

Mahadeo  Pandit in Civil Administration

During the Mughal era, Kashmiri Pandits also held significant positions in civil administration. One notable figure was Pandit Mahadeo, who served as the Peshkar (Chief Minister) to Mughal Subedar Ali Mardan Khan (1650-1657 A.D.). Documents from this period reveal that during Mahadeo’s tenure, the imperial highway from Srinagar to Gujarat was constructed, complete with Caravan Sarais at every stage, making the road wide and easy to traverse.

Enduring Spirit of Kashmir’s Ancient Culture

Miru Pandit and his descendants symbolize the resilience and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community. Despite the challenges and shifting political landscapes, they maintained their integrity and continued to serve with distinction in both military and civil capacities. Their story is a testament to the enduring spirit of Kashmir’s ancient culture, carried forward by those who bore its torch through the storms of time.

(

From Kashmir’s Orphan to Lahore’s Builder  

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
From Kashmir’s Orphan to Lahore’s Builder  
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the early 19th century, the picturesque valleys of Kashmir were devastated by a series of merciless famines. Among the many who fled the land in search of survival was a young boy named Sultan Malik. Born into a Rajput Muslim family in Shahabad (Verinag), Kashmir, Sultan’s world was turned upside down when he became an orphan at the tender age of ten. With little more than hope and the guidance of his widowed mother, Sultan joined the exodus to Punjab—a journey that would ultimately lead him to an extraordinary destiny.

The Exodus to Punjab: A New Beginning in Lahore

The migration was fraught with hardship, but it led Sultan and his mother to Lahore, a city undergoing rapid transformation under the rule of Maharaja Sher Singh. Lahore, with its burgeoning construction projects, offered a glimmer of opportunity, though the city’s streets were unforgiving to the impoverished and unskilled. But Sultan was not one to succumb to despair. He was physically strong, with a fierce love for wrestling—a passion that would soon open unexpected doors.

Wrestling into Prominence: A Meeting with Maharaja Sher Singh

Urdu Newspaper and magazines of that era available with www.kashmir-rechords.com reveal that in a twist of fate, Sultan’s prowess in wrestling brought him into the limelight. During a wrestling match organized by Maharaja Sher Singh, the young Kashmiri boy defeated a well-known local wrestler, earning the attention of the Sikh monarch. Impressed by his strength and determination, the Maharaja granted Sultan an audience. It was during this meeting that Sultan shared his struggles in finding work, despite his skills and willingness to toil. Moved by his story, Maharaja Sher Singh awarded him a contract to supply lime (chuna) for the construction of the Lahore Fort—a decision that would alter the course of Sultan’s life.

The Rise of Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan

This contract was the foundation upon which Sultan built his future. His integrity and hard work quickly earned him a reputation, and soon he was known as Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan. His business thrived, and he became a key figure in the construction of several iconic buildings within Lahore’s walled city. Sultan’s rise from a struggling migrant to a celebrated contractor was nothing short of miraculous, a testament to his resilience and drive.

Legacy Beyond the Sikh Empire: Contributions to British Lahore

The fall of the Sikh Empire did not dim Sultan’s fortunes. The British, recognizing his contributions during the Sikh rule, entrusted him with numerous contracts, including the construction of army colonies and other critical structures. Among his most notable projects were the Lahore Railway Station, Landa Bazaar, Delhi Darwaza, and the grand Sultan Mehal. His work extended beyond mere construction; he built wells in the courtyards of buildings and havelis, acts of charity that endeared him to the people of Lahore.

Lahore Railway Stations constructed by Mian Mohd Sultan in 1859

Acts of Benevolence: Sultan’s Inn and Diplomatic Feasts

In 1853, Sultan built an inn near Delhi Gate, on the highway connecting Lahore and Amritsar. This inn provided much-needed rest to travellers and reinforced Sultan’s reputation as a benefactor. His generosity did not go unnoticed by the elite. In 1869, Sultan hosted a lavish feast for the Afghan monarch, strengthening ties between Lahore and Afghanistan. Seven years later, he welcomed Prince Albert Edward, the Prince of Wales, to Lahore, further solidifying his status as a man of influence and respect.

The Decline of Fortunes: A Legacy Endures

Despite his numerous successes, Sultan’s later years were marked by financial difficulties. After facing significant losses, he was forced to mortgage his properties to Maharaja Ranbir Singh of Jammu and Kashmir in exchange for a debt of five lakh rupees. The Maharaja, in recognition of Sultan’s contributions, granted him a pension, but Sultan never fully recovered. His properties were eventually sold, and his fortunes waned.

Mian Mohammad Sultan passed away on February 4, 1876, in Bama Balla, Lahore, leaving behind no heirs. Yet, his legacy as the builder of Lahore endures. A white stone memorial, erected in his honor during a visit by Lord Hardinge, Governor-General of India, in 1911, stands as a lasting testament to the man who, against all odds, shaped the architectural landscape of Lahore.

Rediscovering the Lost Artists of the Kashmiri Ramayana

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Rediscovering the Lost Artists of the Kashmiri Ramayana
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the heart of Kashmir, a unique version of the Ramayana stands as a testament to the region’s rich cultural tapestry. This iconic Kashmiri Ramayana, penned by Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat and published multiple times between 1910 and 1940 by Ali Mohammad Tajar Kutab (later known as Ali Mohd and Sons) of Habba Kadal, Srinagar, is adorned with exquisite handmade sketches. These sketches, brimming with dedication and devotion, were crafted by two almost forgotten Kashmiri artists: R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din.

The Silent Artists Behind the Masterpiece

Much has been written about the Kashmiri Ramayanas, but little is known about R.C. Wantoo, a Kashmiri Pandit and G. Mohi ul Din. Their artistry brought to life the verses of Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat, portraying the epic tales of Lord Rama with unmatched skill and passion. Their sketches provided visual narratives that complemented the poetic verses, making the stories more vivid and accessible to readers.

Preserving Their Legacy

Kashmir Rechords,  is in possession of two editions of this Ramayana, published by Ali Mohd and Sons. These editions feature the names of R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din, etched beside their beautiful sketches. In an effort to ensure these artists are not forgotten, Kashmir Rechords is bringing their work to the public domain, hoping that those with knowledge of these artists can provide further insights.

The Kashmiri Ramayana: A Cultural Treasure

The book, titled “Rama Avtar Charit—Luv Kush Charit” and “Ramayan Bazaban Kashmiri” by Pandit Devkar Prakash Saheb Bhat, holds a significant place in Kashmiri literature. Even Sir George Grierson, who edited the summary page of Ramayana into English, did not include the sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din. Over the years, this Ramayana has been reprinted in various languages and scripts, including Kashmiri (Nastalique and Nagri), English, and Hindi. However, the unique handmade sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din have often been missing in these versions.

A Call for Recognition

The history of the Kashmiri Ramayanas is vast. The first known Kashmiri Ramayana, “Shankara Ramayana,” was transcribed from Sharada into Devanagari by Shankar Kanth during the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. This was followed by several other versions, each contributing to the literary heritage of Kashmir. Among these, the “Rama Avtar Charit” by Divakar Prakash Bhat, used by George A. Grierson for his summary page translation work, stands out for its inclusion of Wantoo and Mohi ul Din’s sketches. It is in this book that the famous Kashmiri lines are found:

“Koushaliya Hindeh Gobroo,

Karyo Goore Goore,

Paryo Ram Ramie,

Karyo Goore Goore”

Seeking Contributions

Kashmir Rechords aims to publish a detailed account of the Kashmiri Ramayanas and their various editions in future write-ups. In the meantime, we  are seeking information about R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din. Those who know about these artists are encouraged to provide genuine inputs to support@kashmir-rechords.com or kashmirrechords@gmail.com. Full credit will be given to contributors, ensuring that the legacy of these remarkable artists is preserved and celebrated.

Dogra Legacy: From Cultural Fairs to Military Prowess

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Dogra Legacy: From Cultural Fairs to Military Prowess
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In a fascinating glimpse into the past, a rare edition of Captain A.H. Bingley’s book “Dogras” provides  a detailed account of the valorous Dogra soldiers and their unique recruitment process. The book, originally printed in 1899 at the Central Printing Office in Shimla under the orders of the Government of India, was a comprehensive effort to compile information on the Dogras for their induction into the British Army.

A Cultural Insight into the Dogra Soldiers

Known for their bravery and loyalty, Dogra soldiers were traditionally selected at cultural Melas, fairs  and festivals. This method of recruitment was meticulously documented by Captain Bingley, a member of the 7th (Duke of Connaught’s Own) Bengal Infantry. His work not only highlights the military prowess of the Dogras but also delves into their history, customs, culture, and the regions they inhabited, including Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab and parts of Himachal Pradesh.

The book’s significance is further enhanced by its revisions. In 1921, A. B. Longden added to the original text, and later, Dr. Sukhdev Singh Charak included chapters on Dogra art and literature, making it an invaluable resource on Dogra history and culture.

Military Brilliance and Unique Recruitment

Captain Bingley emphasized the Dogras’ exceptional capabilities in mountain warfare, citing numerous expeditions on the Punjab frontier and their distinguished service in the Hunza-Nagar campaign of 1891 and the defence of Chitral. Unlike other conservative Hindus of the time, Dogras were open to sea voyages and foreign service, with many serving in China in 1860.

The book also highlights specific Dogra recruiting grounds, from Akhnoor to Chamba and Kangra, extending to the South and East of the Chenab in Jammu and Kashmir. It mentions territories along the border of Jammu, including Pathankot, Shakargarh, Sialkot, and Zafarwal, and regions like Jasrota and the Ravi Belt, inhabited by both Hindu and Muslim Dogras.

The Melas: A Unique Recruitment Ground

One of the book’s most intriguing revelations is the practice of recruiting Dogra soldiers at local fairs and Melas. These events, with both religious and commercial significance, were organized throughout the year in areas now part of Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, and Jammu and Kashmir. Notable recruitment fairs were held in the Kangra belt, Hoshiarpur area, and Jammu region, including places like Kangra, Jawala Mukhi, Dharmshalla, Parmandal, Mirpur, Ghagwal, Mansar, and Kana Chack.

However, the selection process faced challenges, as it was sometimes difficult to verify the character and antecedents of

recruits. Despite these limitations, this method highlighted the cultural strength and fighting skills of potential soldiers.

Changing Times and Practices

While some of these cultural and commercial fairs continue to be held, the recruitment process has evolved significantly. In the fast-changing modern lifestyle, the traditional practice of selecting soldiers at fairs has faded, replaced by more structured and formal recruitment methods.

Kashmir Rechords, in possession of this rare edition, underscores the historical and cultural importance of Captain Bingley’s work. As the book finds renewed attention, it serves as a testament to the rich legacy and unique traditions of the Dogra soldiers, offering a window into a fascinating chapter of Military history.

Dashaar: Kashmir’s Rare but Forgotten Maha Kumbh!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Dashaar: Kashmir’s Rare but Forgotten Maha Kumbh!
(By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat*)
Shadipur Kashmir Dashaar, often likened to the revered Purna Kumbh Mela, used to be a unique and ancient festival celebrated by Kashmiri Pandits. Unlike the regularly scheduled Kumbh Melas, the timing of Kashmir’s Dashaar depends on ten specific astronomical and astrological configurations, occurring roughly every 10, 12, 36 or 75 years. Due to these ten celestial combinations, the festival is named “Dashaar,” meaning ten combinations on a single day! This uncertainty in timing has led to the festival entering Kashmiri folklore as “Dahi Veher Dashaar,” literally meaning once in a Blue Moon. The festival is celebrated at the confluence of the Jhelum (Vitasta) and Sindh rivers in Shadipur, present Ganderbal district of Kashmir.
The Chinar Tree at Shadipur, Kashmir.

Historical Insights

During his post-doctoral research at the Jammu and Kashmir Department of Archives and Archaeology at Jammu, this Author stumbled upon a significant file titled “Dashaar Mela at Shadipur-1941”. The festival was last celebrated on June 14, 2016, after a 75-year hiatus, with the previous celebration on June 4, 1941. Historical records  upon the perusal of this delicate file revealed that over 100,000 pilgrims  had attended the 1941 Dashaar, far exceeding the expected 40,000. An earlier celebration in 1911 saw a cholera outbreak affecting thousands of pilgrims.

Celestial Significance

The festival is celebrated every time in June (Jyeshta) under specific astrological conditions: a Tuesday or Wednesday with the Moon in Virgo and the Sun in Taurus during Ananda Yog. The confluence of the Jhelum and Sindh rivers, known as Prayag Chinar, is considered sacred, akin to the confluence of the Ganges and Yamuna at Prayag in Allahabad. Kashmiri Pandits regard the Sindh stream as the sacred Ganga and Vitasta as another name for the river Yamuna, supported by verses 305-307 in the Nilmata Purana.

The 1941 and 1911 Dashaar

The preserved file, accessed by this Author,  mentions that the 1941 festival, falling on June 4, 1941, corresponding to 22nd Jyeshta, 1998 Vikram Samvat, was declared a public holiday in the entire districts of Baramulla, Anantnag, and Muzaffarabad. The Maharaja’s government had allocated Rs 200 for rescue boats and ropes, kept Rs 500 for unforeseen expenses, and deployed 100 Maharaja Guards and Medical Officers from Sumbal and Ganderbal. Over one-lakh pilgrims had  participated, far exceeding expectations.  This was based on the report of Deputy Chief Security General, who had estimated only 40,000 devotees.
In 1911, the festival faced a terrible cholera outbreak, requiring treatment for 3,063 pilgrims. A 16-year-old  Kashmiri Pandit boy, whose identity was not revealed, had  lost his life when a boat overturned.

The 2016 Celebration

Passing the Heritage Baton to the Young…. An elderly Kashmiri Pandit with her daughter during 2016 Dashaar festival.
In 2016, the festival celebrated after 75 years, saw elaborate arrangements, including transport, security, and sanitation. Local Muslim residents provided essential supplies and boat services. The Chinar Tree, which was photographed by Fred Bremner in 1905,  was in 2016  also surrounded by water on all sides. One had to come to this Chinar tree in a boat and go up some steps to have a commanding view of the confluence. The site, with its Shiva Lingam, has been a place of worship for centuries. Kashmiri Pandits who were incidentally already in Kashmir for Mela Kheer Bhawani of 2016, also participated in the Dashaar festival that year.
The Chinar Tree at Shadipur, Kashmir in 1905, photographed by Fred Bremner.

Cultural and Spiritual Significance

Sh Sanjay Raina
Sanjay Raina, an expert on the traditional and rituals of Kashmiri Pandits, explains,: “The Dashaar festival is always celebrated in the month of June (on 10th Jyeshta Shukla Paksha), either on Tuesday or Wednesday, with Hasta as Nakshatra, Moon in Virgo, and Sun in Taurus during Ananda Yog.” Raina cites the Nirnay Sindhu, Dashaar Nirnay book, and the rare Shadipur Dashaar Nirnay book as sacred texts documenting the festival’s significance.
A page from Shadipur Dashaar Nirnay book
Nirnay Sindu Book, 1901 that makes a mention of Dashaar Festival of Kashmir.

Looking Forward

The exact date of the next Dashaar festival will be determined by astrologers and experts, but it cannot be before June 2026, adhering to the minimum ten-year gap required the celestial combinations to align once more.
  • (The author is a writer, author, and content creator who has been involved in both print and electronic media for over 35 years)

Kashmiri Bank Limited Faizabad: Kashmiri Pandit’s Financial Revolution in 1900 !

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmiri Bank Limited Faizabad: Kashmiri Pandit’s Financial Revolution in 1900 !
(By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat*)
In a remarkable revelation by Kashmir Rechords, a hidden chapter of Kashmiri Pandit excellence has come to light, showcasing their significant contributions to the banking sector in the early 20th century. Despite facing numerous displacements from their homeland, Kashmiri Pandits have consistently demonstrated their prowess across various fields, including art, culture, history, spirituality, bureaucracy, politics, and administration. This latest discovery underscores their foresight and innovation in banking, a domain where their achievements had remained largely undocumented until now.

A Visionary Banker: Pt. Iqbal Krishan Gurtu

In 1900, a Kashmiri Pandit named Iqbal Krishan Gurtu, B.A, established Kashmiri Bank Limited at  Faizabad, then part of the United Provinces. Registered under the Company Act of India, the bank was a trailblazer in the financial industry, introducing concepts that were ahead of their time. Pt. Gurtu, who served as the bank’s secretary, invested a substantial capital of Rs. One lakh and maintained a reserve fund of Rs. 30,000.

Pioneering Banking Practices across Undivided India

Kashmiri Bank Limited  Faizabad quickly expanded its operations, setting up sub-offices and commission branches across undivided India, including in prominent cities such as Allahabad, Bombay, Kanpur, Firozpur, Meerut, Lucknow, Delhi, and Lahore. One of the bank’s pioneering initiatives was its unique system of providing interest on term deposits, a concept very rarely introduced elsewhere in India, let alone in the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, where the concept of banking finds its mention only in the late 1930s.

The Kashmiri Bank Limited  Faizabad offered an attractive interest rate of seven percent on term deposits for one to two years, and half of that rate for deposits kept for six months. Interest payments were meticulously calculated to be paid on the second of January and the First of July, against proper receipts. Kashmiri Bank Limited actively advertised these innovative financial services in leading newspapers of that time, demonstrating the Kashmiri Pandit’s far-reaching vision in banking.

Archival Discoveries: Advertising Financial Innovations

Advertisements from the period, now part of the archival material available with Kashmir Rechords, reveal that the bank also kept its interest rates on deposit money floating. Customers were provided with free cheque and passbooks, and the bank accepted currency notes of all denominations for deposit. Additionally, loans against immovable property were issued following attestation and recommendations by reputed and trusted individuals.

 

An advertisement issued by Pandit Iqbal Krishan Gurtu, Secretary, Kashmiri Bank Limited, Faizabad that appeared in leading newspapers of Lucknow and Allahabad in 1903.

A Mysterious End and a Call for More Information

Despite these significant advancements, detailed records of Kashmiri Bank Limited’s operations beyond 1910 are scarce. The Bank’s advertisements and posters, predominantly in Urdu, cease after this period, leaving the subsequent fate of the bank shrouded in mystery. It is surprising that no one has cared to write on this subject or to take research to its logical conclusion all these years.

 Kashmir Rechords, which takes pride in this “breaking news” of the past, thus appeals to its esteemed readers to share any further information. The Kashmiri Bank Limited  Faizabad is a testament to the ingenuity and entrepreneurial spirit of the Kashmiri Pandits, a legacy that deserves recognition and celebration.

Celebrating a Legacy

This revelation not only highlights the historical contributions of the Kashmiri Pandits in the banking sector but also serves as an inspiration for future generations to acknowledge and build upon their rich heritage.

* Rajesh Bhat, Ph.D. in Mass Communication and Journalism brings over 35 years of experience as a writer, researcher, and academician in journalism, spanning both print and electronic media. He authored “Radio Kashmir in Times of Peace and War” and has worked with prestigious newspapers and publications including Kashmir Times, Daily Excelsior Jammu, and The Tribune, Chandigarh. Currently, he serves as a Faculty Member at the National Academy of Broadcasting and Multimedia, New Delhi.

 

Kashmir’s Prime Minister and his Sex Manual!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmir’s Prime Minister and his Sex Manual!

(KASHMIR RECHORDS EXCLUSIVE)

Kashmir has been a fertile ground for numerous contributions to the world in various fields, including art, literature, medicine, engineering, history, and academia. This land has produced many great individuals who have left their mark not only on the subcontinent but also on the entire world. Among these notable figures is Koka Pandit Kashmiri, also known as Pt. Kokkoka, a prominent sexologist and Prime Minister of Kashmir of yesteryears.

Koka Pandit and His Magnum Opus

Koka Pandit is credited with writing the “Koka Shastra,” also known  to some as “Ratirahasya” (Secrets of Love), a seminal work on sex education and psychological issues. This text, written in Sanskrit in the 11th or 12th century, addresses topics that modern science and education are only beginning to incorporate into curriculums.

 Sylvan Levi, a renowned French Sanskrit Scholar (1863-1935), acknowledged Koka Pandit Kashmiri as the originator of Koka Shastra, though the exact date of its composition remains uncertain. Koka Shastra is not just a manual on sexual practices but a comprehensive guide that encompasses psychological and sociocultural aspects of sex and relationships. The text provides insights into medieval Indian society’s understanding of human sexuality, gender roles and interpersonal dynamics. This understanding has influenced subsequent works in the field and continues to be relevant in modern discussions about sex education.

Content and Structure of Koka Shastra

Koka Shastra, often considered Kashmir’s equivalent to the “Kama Sutra,” comprises fifteen chapters (pachivedes) and 800 verses. Unlike the Kama Sutra, which reflects ancient Hindu literature, Koka Shastra is tailored to medieval Indian society and its cultural milieu. The text covers various subjects, including:

1.Different physiques and types of genitals

2. Characteristics of Men and Women at different ages

3. Techniques of hugs and kisses

4. Various stages of love, from weight loss to fainting, and ultimately, death

  Pt. Koka’s work also classifies both men and women into four psychophysical types based on appearance and physical features. He explores erogenous zones and days conducive to sexual arousal for  both men and women.

Scholarly Acknowledgment and Influence

W. G. Archer, a British civil servant and art historian, noted that Kokkoka’s work focuses on maximizing sexual enjoyment and maintaining a woman’s happiness. Pt. Koka Ram drew from numerous sources, including Nandikeshvara, Gonikaputra, and Vatsyayana, to compile his treatise.

The various translations of Koka Shastra have included illustrations that help convey its teachings visually. These adaptations made the text more accessible and engaging, which is a strategy still used in modern educational materials. The use of artwork in Persian, Urdu and Hindi versions, for example, reflects an understanding of the importance of visual aids in enhancing comprehension and retention of information.

Translations and Global Reach

Over the past 300 years, Koka Shastra has been translated into several languages, including Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Hindi, and Turkish. Notable translations include:

1. “Lazzat Un Nisa“ in Persian, attributed to   Ziya Nakhshabi, 18th Century

2. “The Koka Shastra” by Alex Comfort in English (1964)
3. “Koka Shastra (Rati Rahasya)” translated by S. C. Upadhyaya
4 “Asli Kok Shastra’’ (Hindi) by Acharaya Gautam, (1889)
5. ``Maha Kok Shastra’’ (Urdu) by Pandit Pyare Lal Sharma (1905)
6.“Kok Shastra’’ (Urdu), J S Sant Singh and Sons. 

  These translations often incorporated illustrations and commentaries, enhancing the text’s accessibility and appeal. Persian scholar Ziya Nakhshabī added watercolours and gilt typical of 18th-century Mughal art in his version. The first Hindi translation is believed to have been undertaken in the early 17th century, from which later Hindi, Persian, and Urdu versions derived.

Continued Legacy and Research

In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Urdu versions of Koka Shastra were produced for the Urdu-speaking population of undivided India. These versions often included elaborate historical accounts of Koka Shastra and its significance. Many carried hand-made pictures also and gave a full credit to Pt Koka Ram while addressing him as former Prime Minister of Kashmir.

Invitation for Further Contributions

Many concepts from Koka Shastra have found their way into modern literature on sex and relationships. The detailed exploration of different types of physical and emotional interactions provides a foundation that contemporary writers and educators build upon. By recognizing the historical context and contributions of texts like Koka Shastra, modern sex education can draw on a rich tradition of knowledge and integrate it with contemporary scientific understanding.

Kashmir Rechords intends to further explore to provide an overview of the life and work of Pt. Koka Ram Kashmiri, his motivation and the context in which he had to write Koka Shastra.  Since on a home turf, no work has been undertaken on this former Prime Minister of Kashmir, this write-up is thus open to further opinions, additions, and alterations, inviting readers to contribute to the ongoing exploration of this significant historical text.

By continuing to study and appreciate the contributions of historical figures like Pt. Koka Pandit Kashmiri, we can enrich our understanding of human sexuality and improve educational practices for future generations.

Drop your Comments in the Comment Box at the end of this article or write to us at kashmirrechords@gmail.com or support@kashmir-rechords.com

Who Were Royal Elephants of Dogra Kings?

Kashmir Rechords
-
0

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Once a place for keeping Royal Elephants, it is now a  famous Sabzi Mandi (Vegetable Market) of Jammu City!

Situated in the heart of old Jammu city near Parade Chowk with Moti Bazar on the other side, a large open area was once called Hathithan, a stable or Camp for elephants, belonging to Dogra Maharajas of Jammu and Kashmir.

 There is a mention of the same in a book on the “History of Elephants in Jammu and Kashmir’’, written in Urdu.  The book describes a story of the Royal  elephants who were brought to the Princely State by Maharaja Gulab Singh in 1846.

 Written by Abdul Latif, a son of the senior Mahout who died in 1933, the book deals with several incidents and events connected with the elephants of the rulers in the Princely State.  Abdul Latif’s grandfather was also a Mahout working for the Dogra rulers.

  From 3 to 20 Elephants

According to the Author of the Book, published in 1971, Maharaja Gulab Singh had brought three royal  elephants into Jammu which were kept at Hathithan, now the famous  Parade Chowk Sabzi Mandi of Jammu.  The number of elephants had risen to 20 when Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1856) ascended the throne.  

 In 1870, an elephant Rama gored his Mahout to death. This had enraged Maharaja Ranbir Singh who is said to have himself enquired about the reason for Rama Elephant’s unusual fury.  Latif says,  “When the Maharaja approached Rama, the elephant with its trunk collected the dust and divided it into two parts giving an idea to the ruler that he was annoyed since his master was pilfering his rations’’.

 Jamuna Dass—The Senior  Royal Elephant

The Author says Jamuna Dass was the senior most elephant during Maharaja Pratap Singh’s reign (1885-1925). One more elephant, Ganga Dass had joined him after some years. Jamuna Dass had its own majestic personality. He always used to give a grandeur look, remaining calm and sobre on all occasions. But on the other hand,  Jamuna Das used to become violent and irate at times.

As the royal seat during those times remained at Mubarak Mandi Palace which served both the Royal Court and Residential Palace, the then Hathithan was not more than a kilometer away from the Palace. These elephants were kept at this place and used to be tied with a large banyan tree that still exists there.
 According to Shiv Chander Sharma, a noted Journalist from Jammu, the side gates of Hathi Khana of those times still exist but were  generally ignored by the people who mostly visit the area to buy vegetables only.

Prince Edward’s Visit to Jammu

Excerpts of a Book Review of “History of Elephants in Jammu and Kashmir”, published in Daily Excelsior on January 30, 1971.

 
  In a Book review, published in a local newspaper (Daily Excelsior) on January 30, 1971, the Author Latif mentions that Jamuna Dass was selected for the royal procession at the time of the coronation of George V at Delhi. Jumna Dass was fortunate enough to have a pat from the Emperor.

 

Edward’s 1922 Visit to Jammu. Three Royal elephants were chosen for a ceremonial arch. (Photo Courtesy: Royal Collection Trust)

 
Similarly, during the visit of Edward,  the Prince of Wales (later King Edward VIII) to Jammu (1922), three elephants with highly decorated howdahs on their backs were chosen for a ceremonial arch. After a banquet and fireworks display, the Prince and the Maharaja were later escorted on elephants to the Maharajah’s Royal camp at Satwari Cantonment, a few miles away from Jammu.

 According to Author Latif, the royal stable had mostly two male elephants at a time but the number of female elephants was never less than 15 with various names.

Maharaja Hari Singh riding Jamuna Dass in March 1926.

 Maharaja Hari Singh at the time of his all marriages had selected Jamuna Dass for ride. The last royal procession was held in March 1926 when Maharaja Hari Singh occupied the throne of Jammu and Kashmir. Jamuna Dass at that time was profusely decorated with coloured powders, gold ornaments, and a majestic howdah on his back.

When Jammu & Kashmir had Its Own Currency Notes!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
The Erstwhile Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir had the unique distinction of having its own currency notes printed and circulated in 1877 AD during the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh.
The State used to issue these notes through its Treasury in 1877 (Samvat 1934).  These notes were being issued mainly for the payment to the State Treasuries of Land Revenue and other Government dues. The denominations ranged from a rupee to 1,000 rupees.
These notes used to bear the signatures of many Competent Authorities. In some notes, one finds the name of  Diwan Kirpa Ram as the chief signatory, while in a Twenty Rupee note, on its right corner, there is a mention of Mahesh Chander Vishvas in Nagari script.
A Twenty Rupee Currency Note of Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, printed in 1877. Pic Courtesy: Rezwan Razack, Bangalore, India

  Shrikar and Sun Emblem

  All these currency notes of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir depicted the  Sun as an Emblem with the word ‘Shrikar’ written in bold  Nagari letters beneath it in the  Centre.  Once issued, the notes were then stamped with a seal impression below ‘Shrikar’.  This Persian seal reads ``Muhre Shrikar Qilimrau Jammun’’, meaning the “Land Revenue Seal of the Dominion of Jammu,” with the date 1934 (Samvat)  and the month in the oblong tables on its two sides.
   The Notes used to carry six circles— three circles each on the left and right sides in vertical lines.  These three circles carried the numeral value in Nastalique,  Nagari and Dogri scripts. Beneath the bold word Shrikar’ in Nagari, there is twice a mention of Jammu Kashmir and the date of printing these currency notes in Urdu.  However, most of the notes carry the Urdu dateline of  “Mah Vaisakh,  Samvat 1932’’. All these panels and circles were colored in pale gold and the rest in black.

Printing of Notes in Jammu

Such was the technology available in the State that these Currency Notes were printed in the State itself at   Vidyavilas Press, Jammu. The interesting part is that the Dogri inscription is found side by side along with Urdu and Hindi.  Also, these currency notes were printed on a Watermark Paper with the words `LESCHALLAS’.  The Watermark paper used to be provided by Wiggins Teape Paper Company formed in 1761 in London.
A Ten Rupee Note. Pic Courtesy: Rezwan Razack.

Dimension of Notes

All notes measured roughly  160 mm. x 230 mm with some variation due to the uneven paper cutting. However, the print of the note on the hand-made paper for all denominations was 131 mm x 205 mm.
These currency notes of Jammu and  Kashmir ceased to exist after 1947 when the Princely State acceded to the  Union of India.

The Unheard  Sati Namah  by Pt. Birbal Kachru

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
The Unheard  Sati Namah  by Pt. Birbal Kachru
( By: Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo)*

Continuing the tradition of according glory to Persian, the court language of the Mughals in the Indian subcontinent, Kashmiri Pandits have produced marvelous literature in this language, demonstrating their ability to add significance to anything close to their hearts. While Sanskrit was the language traditionally associated with this community, they had no qualms in accepting Persian, showcasing their mastery of this language and further demonstrating their capabilities as writers, poets, and historians. Their adeptness in learning the Persian language resulted in the creation of marvelous “Masnavis” in the tradition of classical Persian poets. Indeed, besides their grand works of literature, works by Kashmiri Pandits are also important sources of history and reflect the thought process of the times they lived in. Through their writings, they provide invaluable insights into the socio-cultural, political and intellectual landscape of their era. Their historical accounts, philosophical treatises, and reflections on society offer a window into the past, helping us understand the events, ideas, and values that shaped the world around them thereby making the works as indispensable sources for historians, researchers, and anyone interested in exploring the complexities of human experience.

 Depiction of Sati  incident in Kashmir

We are indebted to Rafi Ahmad Masoodi, Educationist, Academician  and History Enthusiast  who has prompted us at Kashmir Rechords to present a blog for our esteemed readers about the importance of a very valuable  Masvani poem titled “Sati Namah” by Pandit Birbal Kachru (1795-1865) born to Daya Ram Kachroo “Khushdil” of Kralyar Rainawari, Srinagar.  Essentially part of a historical document titled “Majmu-al Tawareekh. (Collection of Histories), “Sati Namah,” with its depiction of an actual incident in Kashmir during the 1831 period, which the poet blended with his own imagination offers valuable insights into the cultural and historical fabric of the region.  Mufti Mudasir, a brilliant and erudite scholar of both English and Persian from Kashmir has translated this Persian Masnavi into English. This aesthetically brilliant and enriched poem found place in the peer-reviewed journal of English literature and Language published by University of Kashmir Srinagar (P-177, ISSN 0975-6574, Vol. 29, Dec.2022).

  Alternatively  Pt Birbal Kachroo’s pen name was “Vaarastah” (Related or connected to). It adds an intriguing layer of meaning to his identity as a writer connected to his community and heritage. It’s indeed a commendable endeavor to present this important Masnavi as part of Kashmir’s glorious history, and it is hoped that the same will be appreciated by many who are interested in the cultural and literary heritage of the region.

Here we have included some of the  pages of the brilliant translation of Pt Birbal Kachrus’s  “Sati Namah” by Mufti Mudasir.

  • * Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo, an accredited translator of Kashmiri, Urdu and Hindi by Sahitya Akademi New Delhi and Indian Institute of Languages Mysore,  has remained associated with the institution of All India Radio (AIR) where he  worked as Senior most Producer. His books of Translation include “Samay Matrika” , the translation of 10th century Sanskrit classic of the same name by Acharya Ksemendra of Kashmir, Sahitya Akademi New Delhi’s “Hum Kaal Sindhi Afsana Sombran” a Kashmiri translation of Hindi scripted  “Samkaleen Hindi Kathayen”, and under publication “Navi Yogikie Vaaeris Dar” a Kashmiri translation of English scripted collection of Punjabi short stories of renowned Punjabi short story writer Mohinder Singh Sarna, Indian Institute of Languages publication “Hindustaenie Falsafekie Khad-o-Khal”, the Kashmiri translation of “Outlines of Indian Philosophy” by world renowned Professor M.Hiriyanna besides a  monograph on veteran and doyen of Kashmiri poetry, Makhan Lal Kanwal, (a Sahitya Academy Publication, Delhi)

Lest We Forget—Nadimarg Massacre

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Lest We Forget—Nadimarg Massacre
This newspaper cutting of Dateline March 25, 2003 is sufficient to recall what had happened that fateful day in Nadimarg village of Pulwama, Kashmir.

Bel Tai Madal—Men Behind It

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Bel Tai Madal—Men Behind It
The genre of Leela poetry in Kashmiri literature is said to have evolved from “Vachun’’ and we notice a boost in this experimentation  since late 1750s onwards. It, however, reached its zenith during Krishan Joo Razdan’s time though he explored the `Saguna’’ tradition of Bhakthi to its full potential. He essentially was a “Nirgunvadi’ in his spiritual practice and discipline. Since he was a “Shavite’’, he composed Leelas mostly in honour of Lord Shiva and his one particular Leela “Bel Tai Madal Vene Gulab Pamosh Daste Poozaye Laage Parm Shivas Shiv Nathas Tai….’’  has  not only become a part of folk literature of Kashmir but also of world on account of its  aesthetic and devotional sensibility. The golden voice of Ustad Mohammad  Abdullah Tibat Bakal imparted to  it  such ethereal beauty and  energy   that subsequent musical adaptations of the same  pale in comparison to Bakal’s rendition.
Bel Tai Madal in Kashmiri Nastalique

The Evergreen Recording

  For our esteemed readers it may be added that Tibat Bakal’s presentation was recorded in the Studios of Radio Kashmir, Srinagar and has attained a cult status among the devotees of   Lord Shiva in Kashmir.  According to  Mr Fayyaz Sheheryar, former Director General, All India Radio,this iconic Leela was composed in early sixties by Mohan Lal Aima under the able supervision of the then Programme Producer of Kashmiri Music, Qaisar Qalander.
Mohan Lal Aima
Qaiser Qalandar
   Coinciding with Maha Shivratri which is the premier festival of Kashmiri Pandits, the actual beauty of this festival seems to be wedded to the poetic mystical experience by Pt Krishan Joo Razdan  (1850-1926)  visible in his work Shiv Lagan. This is said to be an evolved adaptation from Urdu translation of  “Shiv Puran’’ by the poet. The elements and symbolism of a  typical Kashmiri Pandit marriage in his world famous “ Shiv Lagan Leela’’ have been imbued to the best possible outcome. An earlier generation of Kashmiri Pandit women, both young and old, would sing these Leelas and the debvotional tradition would pass on to subsequent generations. However, with the migration, it has come to a sudden halt.
 Nevertheless, Tibat Bakal’s rendition of great poet’s “ Bel Tai Madal Vene Gulab Pamosh Daste Poozaye Laage Parm Shivas Shiv Nathas Tai…. still captures the attention and the interest of the young generation . Mr Sheheryar added that Tibat Bakal imbued this Leela   with his own devotional element for Lord Shiva and legend has it that Ustad Tibat Bakal would visit the world famous shrine of Mata Kheer Bhawani at Tulmulla to witness the changing colours of the holy spring and seek blessings.
Mohd Abdullah Tibat Bakal ( Left) and Mohan Lal Aima
 This Leela with the  wonders of ever evolving technology  is  awaiting further repackaging so as to make it more popular among the youth. However, the original rhythm and the style is not going anywhere.
 And therein lies the hope.

   Use of Dogri in Medieval Era  

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
   Use of Dogri in Medieval Era  
( Kashmir Rechords Exclusive in connection with International Mother Language Day)

Even as Dogri was included in the Eighth Schedule on December 23, 2003 after a lot of struggle, the fact is that Dogri language and script had been in use as a literary vehicle since the later mediaeval centuries.

  The territories presently occupied by the Dogras and their akin people who were passionate about their art, culture and language, have been inhabited by people at least from the early centuries of the Christian era. They left behind traces of art and architecture in stone and stucco and in sculptured material scattered all over the hills from Kangra to the Jehlum. Some of the stone pieces belonging to middle ages, and to much earlier centuries in the case of Chamba, bear inscriptions in Sanskrit, Sharda, conch-shell, and Takari scripts which reveal the prevalence of some literary activity in the Dogra hills much before the Muslim inroads.

  Amir Khusrau, a fifteenth century poet-scholar mentions the language of the Dugar in the list of dialects spoken in Northern India. That Dogri in Takari or Landa script had become a vehicle of literary compositions at least as early as the sixteenth century, is amply borne out by inscriptions on Pahari paintings of that century.

Vehicle of Official, Private Correspondence

In his book “Introduction To The History and Culture of the Dogras’’, Dr Sukhdev Singh Charak, an eminent Scholar and Author mentions that during 17th and 18th centuries, Dogri  was in extensive use as a vehicle of official and private correspondence and record. A number of official Pattas and agreements have been found in Takari or Dogri script. For instance, Dr Charak quotes a Patta written out by Mian Bhau Singh, the younger son of Raja Jagat Singh of Nurpur, assigning ‘Purohatai’ to one Ganga Purohit of Haridwar. This reads like this:

As per Dr Charak’s book, Kings of the Dugar used to correspond with each other in Dogri and contracted long agreements and treaties in the same language. A number of such letters and treaties exchanged between the rulers of Jammu, Basohli, Jasrota, Bhadarwa, Nurpur, Chamba and Kangra have been discovered.  This clearly proves that Dogri language and script had been in use as a literary vehicle since the later mediaeval centuries. “A large number of folk songs and ballads (bars) have come down to us from the middle centuries. But it is strange that the Dogra people to the East of the Ravi did not show much literary activity, nor did they produce any Dogri literature in the present time’’, Dr Charak laments. He, however, makes a mention of Chamba area where Takari script was reformed to include vowel signs and the Dogri or Chamiali was written in that script during the nineteenth century. Contrary to it, in the Dogra territories to the west of the Ravi, a brisk literary activity was clearly visible. A court poet of Ranjit Dev, named Kavi Dev Datt had left behind some Dogri compositions as well as ballads in Bhasha and some works in Sanskrit. His Bhasha and Sanskrit works included Brijraj Panchasike, Datt Sangrah, Bhupat Viyog, Amrit Viyog and Kamal Nain Satotra. He composed his `Krishna Mahima Stotara’ in the reign of Brijraj Dev.

  Another literary luminary of the period of Ranjit Dev’s successors and Raja Gulab Singh was the Sanskrit poet-scholar Ganga Ram. A Dogri folk lyric ‘Kandia Barna is attributed to him. Pandit Kaka Ram Shastri kept the tradition of compositions in Sanskrit and Bhasha alive, all it was taken up by the scholars of Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s reign. Although much of the official work was done in Persian during Gulab Singh’s reign but Dogri continued to be the medium of private correspondence and commercial accounts. Some fresh ballads in Dogri, according to the book, were composed during this period, which were woven around the Dogra heroes like Mian Dido, Wazir Ram Singh, Raja Dhian Singh, Zorawar Singh and others.

 Literary works under Maharaja Ranbir Singh

While Nurpur, Chamba and Guler presented a few historical works in vernaculars, like Dalipranjani, the Jammu region saw a lively and rich literary activity under the patronage of Maharaja Ranbir Singh when hundreds of manuscripts in Sanskrit, Persian, Hindi and Arabic were collected and translated into Dogri and other languages for the benefit of all communities. Dogri received particular attention of the monarch. Its script was reformed and books were printed in it both in litho and typographic systems. A large number of books on religion, law, philosophy and technical sciences were written or translated into Dogri. Vernacular journalism also saw its beginning during Ranbir Singh’s reign.

Modern Dogri Literature

 Dr Charak says the modern Dogri literature is the product of twentieth century and the advent of the new era may be said to have ushered in with the popular songs of Lala Ramdhan and Pt. Hardatt who composed during the first quarter of the present century.  Pt. Hardatt’s songs, inspired by a passion for social reform, were printed and swayed the minds of the young generation with similar sentiments. A number of young poets started composing and writing in Dogri and a fresh stream of Dogri literature gushed forth. Many talented poets like Dinoo Bhai Pant, Parmanand Almast, Raghunath Singh Samyal, Ramnath Shastri, Kishan Smailpuri, Swami Brahma Nand and others enriched Dogri literature by their inspiring writings.

Decade of renaissance for Dogri

 According to Dr Charak, the period from 1944 to about 1954 can be called a decade of renaissance for Dogri literature which made the Dogras conscious of their culture and their political rights. At the end of this decade it was finally decided to adopt Devanagari script for Dogri instead of the old Takari script popularised by Maharaja Ranbir Singh.

   The Book on Dogras  makes a mention of  the middle of 1960s when a  younger generation of Dogra poets and writers sprang up with new aspirations and fresh modes. Several successful experimentalists wrote superb poetry, infused with ecstatic mysticism and rainbow fancy. Madhukar’s Dola Kun Thappia will ever remain an unrivalled composition from an inspired soul. Similarly, Ved Pal Deep’s “Uss Te hein Banjare Lok” is a composition of high water mark which could be attained by any talented Dogri poet. “His “Ghalibite utterances, his sincerity of diction narration of bitter truths of life blended with highly poetic imagery, will ever project him as the Ghalib of Dogri. He is the soul of ghazal as ghazal is his self’’, says Dr Charak.  He also praises Padma Sachdev’s innocent reminiscences of the past which touches every heart, “though she lacks much of poetic technique’’.   For Dr Charak, Narsing Dev Jamwal, the poet, artist, novelist, possesses a variegated personality, which presents a rare phenomenon in our hills. Charak’s book, written in 1979, further makes a mention of   Bandhu Sharma, Tara Smailpuri, Ved Rahi, Yash Sharma Abrol, and Ram Lal Sharma as outstanding poets. He quotes Dr. Karan Singh’s book Shadow and Sunlight, containing English and Hindi translation and notations of tunes of some famous folk songs of the Dogra region, as a noble experiment in the field.

Young Padma Sachdev in the Studios of Radio Kashmir, Jammu.

   In this decade, all goners of modern literature were developed. Dogri theatre was evolved and plays like Namun Garn, Sarpanch and Alhar Goli Bir Sipahi were successfully staged. Fiction writing was also tried successfully in Dogri and it started with the publication of Bhagwat Prasad Sathe’s collection of short stories, entitled Pahala Phull. Short stories and novels have been written by Ved Rahi, Narendra Khajuria, Bandhu Sharma, Madan Mohan Sharma, R. K. Abrol, Om Goswami, Chanchal Sharma and Narsing Dev .Prose writing in various forms have also been cultivated, thereby enriching Dogri literature in various ways. Dogri magazines like Nami Chetna, Sheeraza, Phulwari and Hamara Sahitya    appeared from time to time.

The attainments of the Dogras in the field of art are, however, more spectacular. While Dogri literature had not been able to go out of regional popularity, Dogra painting won worldwide approbation.  Kashmir Rechords will shortly bring out a detailed write-up on Dogra paintings.

More Publications of Dr S S Charak

1899 British Army Captain’s Rare Book on Dogras

Shankha Lipi findings at Akhnoor, Bhaderwah

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Shankha Lipi findings at Akhnoor, Bhaderwah
Shankha Lipi, also known as “Conch Script” or “Shell Script”, is a term used by scholars to describe ornate spiral characters that are thought to be Brahmi derivatives. The characters resemble conch shells or Shankhas and are found in inscriptions across north-central India dating back to between the 4th and 8th centuries. Interestingly, Shankha Lipi inscriptions have also been found from Akhnoor and Bhaderwah area of Jammu and Kashmir, establishing that in past also, both these towns were active pilgrimage centres.

 These ciphered ornate spiral characters assumed to be Brahmi derivative, have tentatively been assigned a new script family. Apart  from Akhnoor and Bhaderwah, Shankha Lipi inscriptions have also been found from Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka. Prominent sites with shell inscriptions include the Mundeshwari Temple in Bihar, the Udayagiri Caves in central India and  Mansar in Maharashtra. Shell inscriptions have also been  found  in Junagarh, Gujarat, and in Java and Borneo, Indonesia.

 Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) that is presently promoting and working on a project “Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh Through the Ages’’ under the initiative of the   Ministry of Education, is bringing to the fact the age-old cultural ties of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of India. Highlighting findings of Brahmi, Shankha Lipi and other scripts from Jammu and Kashmir, is a part of this great initiative.

Script of Devotion

Historians believe that shell (Shankha) inscriptions were engraved on temple pillars, freestanding columns and rock surfaces, the latter generally at sites with prominent cave shrines. The shell script was never used for long records or discursive texts but mostly for denoting   names or auspicious symbols or a combination of both. Shell letters have normally been found of the same size or slightly bigger than Brahmi letters, but in some cases they are gigantic, several metres high, as at the Udayagiri Caves.

The archaeological evidences unearthed at Manda, Akhnoor in 1960s point out that Jammu must have had exposure to the earliest system of writing in the sub-continent. The use Shankha Lipi, found on small round stones at Akhnoor, are now lying in the collection of Dogra Art Museum, Jammu. Shell inscriptions have also been found on stone boulders near Bhadarwah.

 According to Dr Lalit Gupta, a noted Scholar  and Art critic, “since Shankha Lipi, has been used for names and signatures by the pilgrims as record of their visits to famous pilgrimage centers, this affirms the belief  that  Ambaran (Akhnoor) and Bhadarwah  were active centers of pilgrimage in Jammu between 4th to 7th century CE’’.

Study on Shankha Lipi

The first detailed study of shell inscriptions was undertaken by noted academic Richard Salomon. The script is assumed to be a Brahmi derivative, but Salomon observed that shell script has diverged so far from the normal pattern as to be effectively a new script family. Salomon determined that there are a sufficient number of shell characters to represent the syllables of the Sanskrit language, and tentatively assigned sounds to some of characters. Prof B. N. Mukherjee subsequently proposed a system of decipherment based on a few key inscriptions using the assumptions that the script is an ornamental form of the contemporary Brahmi script through the centuries. Most of the Shankha Lipi inscriptions are from the Gupta period and are names of individuals, akin to ornamental signatures, although some predate the Gupta period.

Jammu’s Brahmi Inscriptions

According to Dr Lalit Gupta, post-Mauryan Brahmi inscription was first noticed in 1921 by R.C.Kak, the then Prime Minister of  the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir and an archaeologist of repute. Dated between 3rd to 5th centuries CE by R.C. Kak, the Bathastal inscription is one of the oldest Brahami inscriptions in Jammu region.

   Dr Gupta, in one of his write-ups,  quotes epigraphist B.K.Kaul Dembi having placed and compared Bathastal cave inscription with coins of Indo-Bactrian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon, Rock inscription of Khanihara, near Dharamshala in Himachal Pradesh and Inscription of Kshatrapa King Sodasa, all belonging to Post-Mauryan Group of 184 BCE to the beginning of Christian era.

Second important inscription in Jammu region is the Bhadarwah Cave Inscription, inscribed inside a cave shrine (called as Gupt Ganga) on the bank of river Neru near Bhadarwah town. According to Dembi, it is perhaps the longest Brahmi inscription in the region and the second oldest Brahmi inscription from the Himalayan Valleys of Chenab region. Brahmi inscription has also been found inscribed on an iron trident at Sudhamahadev Shiva temple.

Plane crash in J&K at `Dog’s Horn’

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmir Rechords Exclusive
A piece of tragic history lies buried under picturesque area of Kulgam, Kashmir district’s snow covered Houen Heng (Dog’s Horn) peak, 4200 meters above sea level.  Fifty-eight years ago, this day on  February 7,  1966,  a Fokker F 27 Indian Airline aircraft veered 12 miles off its course, crashing straight into the mountain, claiming all 37 people  on board. The flight included a number of top officers of the then Jammu and Kashmir Government!
Houen Heng ( Dog’s Horn) Peak
This  Fokker F-27, Series 200, aircraft, PH-SAB, owned by the Schreiner Airways of Holland and operated by the Indian Airlines Corporation on a charter contract had met with a fatal  accident shortly before noon on  February 7, 1966. The aircraft was on a scheduled flight from Srinagar to Delhi with intermediate stops at Jammu and Amritsar.  Soon after taking off from Srinagar for Jammu, it had  crashed on a hilltop Houen Heng, killing all the four   members of the crew and all 33 passengers on board.  The aircraft was completely destroyed.
Fokker F-27 aircraft, PH-SAB, owned by the Schreiner Airways

Probable Plane Crash Cause

According to the Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archives, the cause of the accident was a navigational error. Capt. Duggal, who was flying the airplane, wanted to take a short cut over the hill.  While flying through clouds at an altitude insufficient to ensure safety, Capt Duggal had found himself at a spot, which resembled in its appearance the Banihal Pass. Changes in cloud formation and decreasing visibility had not permitted him a full and clear view of the mountain range, which lay across the route. Thus when he was near the point where it crashed, he thought that he was going to cross Banihal and even  sent this message to the airport, unknowing the fact that at that point,  he was 12 miles off his track and crashed at a point 12,364 ft above sea level.  The enquiry had held Capt Duggal responsible for the  haste  with an observation that “ a more careful and cautious pilot would, in the circumstances, have made sure of his direction and position by a reference to the Srinagar Airport where, in addition to the VOR, an Automatic Direction Finding facility was available’’.
   Erroneous navigation had taken the Captain to a point 12 miles west of his normal route. At this spot, the configuration of the mountain range had a deceptive similarity with the Banihal Pass, and because of this similarity, he hit the mountains of “False Banihal”, which are several thousand feet higher than the true Banihal. The pilot, as per the enquiry report, must have realized his error and his wrong position too late when he saw the high mountain in front of him while emerging from the clouds. He  must have even  attempted to climb but the aircraft hit the hill about 300 ft below the summit, breaking  it  into two main pieces which fell on either side of a big rock, while several smaller pieces were broken off and scattered over a considerable area on the hillside.

Houen Heng Peak

A picturesque Houen Heng Valley
The mountaineer’s greatest joy is in climbing mountains. In Pir Panjal range, there are many small and big mountain peaks on it. These include Bramshakri (4500m), Sondir Top (3700m) and infamous Houen Heng (4200m). Since this tragedy, Houen Heng, literally meaning, ‘dog’s horn’ has become a part of Kashmir folklore. People recount a civil society campaign to recover the corpses from their snowy graves, led by a local businessman who had lost his son in the crash. Time stands frozen at the picturesque Houen Heng valley as the plane debris beckon visitors to hear their tale.
   Interestingly, Houen Heng is neither the highest peak of district Kulgam nor the Pir Panjal. There are many trekking routes from several places that lead to Houen Heng. The hikers of the Jammu division climb this mountain either from Mohu valley or Gulab Garh. The mountain slope from the valley side is very steep. Other than professional mountaineers, very few can venture to trek on it from the front side.

Lata Mangeshkar’s Dogri Songs and Her Jammu Visit

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Lata Mangeshkar’s Dogri Songs and Her Jammu Visit

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

February 6, 2024 marks the second death anniversary of legendary singer Lata Mangeshkar, who had a musical connection with the erstwhile State of Jammu-Kashmir, for having rendered her melodious voice to several immortal Dogri songs.

Her one of the eternal Dogri songs “Bhalla Sipahiya Dograiya…Rasliyan Rasliyan Dhara…Tera Bada Manda Lagda” dedicated to the Sipahis (soldiers) of Dogra regiment, is in fact played regularly in the barracks of Dogra regiment, considering the fact that the song depicts pain of a woman who is staying away from her Dogra soldier and requesting him to come back home located in the mountains.

A view of old Jammu City and Raghunath Temple Complex

Though over the years, many singers from Jammu and Himachal Pradesh have sung this song in their own way but it was the one sung by Legendary Lata Mangeshkar that still is the most liked and listened for its music and melodious voice, thanks to Padma Sachdev, the poet, who persuaded Lata to sing these songs and thus took Dogri language to great heights.

It is not that Lata Mangeshkar has sung only this song, she has tried with perfection other Dogri songs like “Tu Mallan Tu” that established her immortal connection with the Dogras and Dogri culture.

Apart from Dogri, Lata Mangeshkar has recorded songs in over thirty Indian languages and dialects and a few foreign languages, though primarily in Hindi, Bengali and Marathi.

Lata’s Visit to Jammu

Lata Mangeshkar being interviewed by Rajinder Gupta at Jammu in 1976.

 There is a little mention of Lata Mangeshkar’s visit(s) to Jammu and Kashmir. However, records available with Kashmir Rechords trace  her one such visit to the City of Temples in January 1976.Radio Kashmir Jammu’s  Senior  Announcer, Rajinder Gupta had interviewed her—- not for her singing abilities but recording  her message on “Bees Nikati Iktisaadi Programme’’ (Twenty Point Programme) launched by the Government of India in 1975. In this interview, Lata Mangeshkar had termed the 20-Point Programme as a bone for the masses as it renewed the Nation’s commitment to eradicate poverty, raising productivity, reducing income inequalities and removing social and economic disparities.

 This interview was broadcast on 31 January 1976 at 8.15 pm over Radio Kashmir Jammu, now rechristened as Akashvani Jammu.

Radio Kashmir Jammu’s former Senior Programme Producer, Ravi Magotra, who vividly remembers broadcast of  this interview, told Kashmir Rechords that Mr Rajinder Gupta was one such announcer who was associated with Radio Jammu since its inception in 1947. Gupta had later established Urdu Newspaper Shiv Jyoti, published from Jammu.

Englishman’s 1847 visit to Baba Rishi, Bhadarkali Shrines

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Englishman’s 1847 visit to Baba Rishi, Bhadarkali Shrines
( By: Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo**)

Kashmir Rechords in its previous  five  blogs had mentioned Englishman Mr. Winter Bedim’s visit to Jammu and Kashmir in 1847 recorded in the form of daily entries called ‘Roznamcha’ by one Pandit Kanhaya Lal Aashiq Dehalvi and later published  in the form of the  book under the title Sair-e-Kashmir. In the sixth and final part of the travelogue, we will begin with the visit of Mr. Bedim and party from Srinagar towards Baramulla and onwards with interesting anecdotes and experiences so far unknown to us. Here we begin with the last part of “Sair-e-Kashmir’’ :

On 31st May, 1947, a boat ride again towards the downward course of Jehlum or Vitasta took us to Sumbal which appeared to be about nine kos from Kashmir (read Srinagar). A spring with deep and sizeable volume of water known as Manasbal exists at this place and is said to be an ancient one.

On 1st of June, 1847, we left Sumbal for Mattan. ( Read it Pattan). Part of our journey of five kos by us was completed by boat and the remaining one by horse rides. We came across a shrine devoted to a holy man at Balhalas (A place named Palhalan misspelt as Balhalas). Further at a place called Pattan two very ancient temple structures exist. (Sugandesh temple built by king Kalsa of Kashmir) but nobody was able to provide the details regarding the same.

  (The author seems to have been confused about Tappereshwar temple, the ruins of which still lie nearer to Sumbal and resemble those of Martand Surya Mandir. Since the architectural style of this archaeological site with walls enclosing a large body of water with a raised platform roughly gives the impression of a temple similar to Martand sun temple the author thus  dubs it as Mattan)

 Visit to Baba Rishi Shrine, Gulmarag

On 2nd June, 1847, we set up for a visit to the Ziarat (Shrine) of a very famous and pious man of yore Baba Rishi. This Ziarat is at a distance of some six kos from Pattan. Only men are allowed as the entry of women stands prohibited at this shrine. The attendants at this Ziarat do not marry and a majority of them are the ones whom their parents had willed to be placed in the service at this place. The wishes of having their eldest child  as male whenever that gets  fulfilled, the  parents donate them in the service of this shrine by handing them over to the attendants. Sometimes these children remain there as followers.

On third of June 1847 after having made our way over a distance of approximately one kos towards the mountain top from Baba Rishi we reached Gulmarg. This is an area which is famous for diversely coloured and varied  flower types . We also came across un melt snow on these tops.

 As of now it being summer snow was still there and at places where there was no snow flowers red, yellow, white and dark seemed to be in full bloom. It seems as if they are getting their nourishment under snow. At that very moment as a ‘guz’ (approximately a metre) of thick snow was being cleared, flowers appeared to grow underneath it.

The amazing thing being that large patches of these diverse coloured flowers are seemingly arranged in beds of their own ilk. For example if the flowers happen to be of darker colour, a whole bed would be filled by these flowers only. The same would go for red and other colours. At this place nature appears to be its best gardener. The experience gathered by the writer at this moment was beyond description.

Visit to Baramulla, Uri

On the fourth June, 1847, we traversed a distance of six kos to reach Baramulla. This is a big town where one can find  eatables in abundance. The Deputy Kardar, Mathura Das got sick and thus we were assigned to the care of Kardar Gaddamal. At this place a large bridge has been erected over the river Vitasta  which blends perfectly in these wonderful environs. It was suggested that we move to Shankergarh and return via Nowshehra Baramulla as the travel on both these routes will be full of rewarding experience and the visit to the Uri bridge will also be interesting and therefore necessary. Since it was not possible to cross the bridge it was doubly suggested that the accompanying party of attendants would travel to Nowshehra first where it would be waiting for us near Uri bridge. In the meantime after having paid the necessary fare we would be meeting them on the other side of the bridge. The Kardar committed himself to this arrangement of transporting us along with our goods and necessary items.

On 5th of June, 1847 we began our travel to Uri via Yaboo. After having covered a distance of five kos, the journey ended at Shakargarh where we also camped. On the way at a place called Peerni one kos from Uri Sultan Zabardast Khan along with some gifts came to see the Sahab. The place is beset in lovely lush green environs with recurring cascades as well as rivulets .

On sixth June, the journey commenced forward to a place near the Uri bridge. It was difficult to fathom how the bridge would be crossed, but when mazdoors crossed the same deftly along with the baggage on their backs we promptly gathered necessary courage. When every one of them reached the other end only then did I and Sahab (Mr Bedim) venture to cross. At first I had thought of crossing the bridge with my shoes on but after a few steps as  my feet gave me trouble  I was compelled to hand them  over to an accompanying boatman and I with a great difficulty finally began crossing the bridge again. As soon as we reached the middle of this bridge it seemed that its ropes will yield and we will be hurtled down into the fast flowing river underneath. The whole rope structure the moment we set foot on it would dangle so precariously that it would send a shiver down our spine and make us tremble. The experienced fishermen however emboldened us to continue and assured that they are at our disposal should any untoward incident happen. This somehow strengthened our resolve and then with great caution and trepidation we finally did cross the bridge. Now let me make a mention about the bridge.

Ropeway Bridge

The layout of the ropeway bridge has been set out in a manner that its lower portion has been built with some very strong tree bark and so are the supporting ropeways. These both act as horizontal and vertical arms and support structures. Wooden planks have been set for walking at their base. One has to move forward by treading on every such plank. The portion at the lower end of this ropeway structure is very filthy and the side arms somewhat thicker. One has to move forward by holding the side arms by both hands while putting ones best foot forward on the lower connected planks. The ropeway being nearly seventy guz long, the structure dangles at each step giving rise to a tremendous sense of fear. The river which lays some twenty to twenty five metres below moves with such a ferocious speed,  its waters roar and splash against its banks higher and higher only to missile many metres into the air appearing to stand as tall as a mountain.

As one’s gaze catches the flow of water below one is paralysed by the thought that the ropeway may yield at any moment. Finally this treacherous ropeway was somehow crossed by us. We were greeted by the attendants along with our advance baggage at the other end. Thereafter we continued our journey by boarding the same carriages that were already arranged for on the designated route towards Uri.  At Uri, Raja Nawab Khan came to see Sahab. Some moments in this playful conversation were enjoyed by both.

On the morning of seventh June, 1847, elder brother of Raja Nawab Khan Ataullah Khan came to see Sahab. After exchange of necessary pleasantries and gifts etc. Mutual conversations took place in an atmosphere of camaraderie. After breakfast we left Uri for Baramulla and arrived at Naubahar at a distance of six kos. Some ancient stone structures caught our eye at two or three places along the way. At Naubahar, Raham Dil Khan Kochak, brother of Raja of Naubahar came to see us and disclosed that his elder brother Raja Naubahar being indisposed could not come to see us. The way forward from this place is hilly and the roads are bad.

On eighth of June we journeyed towards Baramulla. At a distance of half a kos we came across some ancient structures attributed to Pandav era. Sahab ( Mr Bedim) drew a drawing of these. The way forward being mountainous there was nothing worth mentioning. These buildings though very old stand tall to this day nevertheless they seem to have yielded at one or two places.

At a place some fifteen kos towards north west of Baramulla known as Sogam  it appears that the earth has been set on fire. Sahab decided to inspect this place also.

Visit to Handwara

On ninth June, 1847, we continued our stay at Baramulla and since nothing worthwhile did happen the same did not merit worth entry in the diary. However, I did go out to tour the bazaars and found the shops well stocked with food and other items. Some shortage of grain was however noticed. On tenth of June, 1847, we left Baramulla for a place called Handwara which is at a distance of nine kos from here. The Sun got very hot at a village “Mound” some five kos on the way. Thus we made a brief halt. Towards the afternoon we commenced our journey and arrived at Handwara in the evening. Kardar Radha Krishan was nowhere to be seen; however his attendant did come and explained the former’s absence on account of being busy in connection with the distribution of grains to public.

  Visit to Bhadarkali Shrine

On eleventh of June,  as we were travelling a distance of some seven Kos, at a place called Nahama we learned that a spring at a distance of further two kos lies at a place called Bhadarkali. We paid a visit to this place. The spring is worth a sight with clean waters bestowed with good digestive power. We spent some moments at this place and as was required and returned to Sogam which stands at a distance of half a kos from this place. The whole earth of this place seems to be scorched though not aflame. Some residents disclosed that some 30 years before the earth here started burning up and since then the same happens after every ten years. Though the same has now stopped, Sahab did inspect this place. The soil does not seem to have been mixed up with any sulphur etc. but some substance does exist which catches fire by coming into contact with air. We nonetheless returned to Bijhama for the night stay. In between Nadir Ali Khan son of Raja Muzaffar Kan came to see us and stayed for the night.

Twelfth June, 1847  was the day for our visit to Pachkote. For this we had to travel a distance of seven kos.  As nothing worthwhile came up that could have found its way in the diary nothing was entered. Here some soldiers from Maharaja Gulab Singh’s army are stationed and they do issue warnings against any transgression of law. But they certainly are not able to effectively deal with this. The way to the fort at “Karnah” which stands atop the hill is very steep. A small company of soldiers at Karnah is stationed but the writ of Maharajas soldiers does not run here.  This road leads up to Pachkot only. Even though the area is mountainous but it is not insurmountable. The population is lesser and so is the supply of provisions.

On thirteenth of June after travelling some four kos we reached Meelyal. Here we left our stuff and we moved some one and a half kos up to visit “Sotsar” springs. The water is crystal clean and actually sprouts from four independent springs lying side by side. One could, however, gather no information regarding the historicity of this place but nevertheless it definitely turned out to be an interesting place. The residents of Karnah stated that the local king is a nominal one without powers but he does operate from the fort and collects revenue for the Maharaja.. Strangely due to some unknown reasons the Maharaja invaded him. He does command the affiliation of some two thousand soldiers and if need be twenty thousand more soldiers can be called up for service by him. The place is treacherous and no arms are also available. The local king thus stands nowhere in comparison to Maharaja Gulab Singh but he is capable of protecting and defending his honour. The matters of revenue are resolved by splitting the same in equal halves. The land owning class pays half portion of the revenue accruing out of agricultural produce in addition to some money which additionally gets exchanged.

We stayed put at Meelyal on the fourteenth of June 1847 and after finishing the breakfast we went to see a fairly high mountain known as “Koh Darawah” at a distance of four kos. A road with the same name runs through this mountain.  Here we roamed to our heart’s fill and enjoyed the vast green spaces with abundant green trees. A strange sight unfolded in front of our eyes. From a distance we witnessed a creature which looked exactly like a golden animal. Its feather like hair was resplendent with luminous golden colours and the rays of sum seemed to emanate and reflect from it. I tried my best to capture it but could not lay my hands on it as it hid in the bushes. Additionally a flower of the size of a human palm existing in extremely right proportions exuding a strong perfume was also witnessed by us.

The beauty of the moment lay in the fact that the whole tract resembles a bouquet of colourful flowers which includes white ones and they all seem to revolve in spirals. Beholding of such a sight wherein every flower is arranged in a very huge bouquet is indeed a divine experience. To cut a long story short the evening here was spent in witnessing this strange and fulfilling spectacle of colours. We naturally drifted into a blissful sleep throught the night.

   Visit to Kupwara

We left Meelyal on the fifteenth of June and advancing over a distance of seven kos reached Kupwara in the evening. We stopped at a place called Chitrang in Trehgam where a spring filled with life giving powers was seen in its full glory. Here silk is also produced with the help of its waters and the standard rate for a seer of silk works out to be eight rupees and is slightly less than a kilogram. The silk worms feed voraciously on mulberry leaves, branches and leaves of which are spread out in a field and in a matter of fifteen days only these silkworms achieve an exponential growth. It is here the silk worms set themselves up for humans to produce silk from them. The raw silk develops in the pupa and is later woven as a coil or a pleat bundle. As soon as the weather favouring its development comes to an end the pupae are boiled in hot water and later dried. This is what is known as “Abrasium”. The same afterwards is woven as the silk thread. We left Kupwara on the sixteenth of June and proceeded towards “Lolab” an all pervading mountainous region.  And since nothing worthwhile came up nothing could be recorded in the diary.

Zain Lank in Wular lake

On the seventeenth of June 1947  after having left in the morning an uphill distance of about four kos was climbed. The remaining three kos were completed on foot on a highly dilapidated road which took us to Alsoo. (Read Aloosa). We boarded a boat on the next day I.e. the eighteenth June 1847 and left towards a spring in the midst of a large lake known as “Wular” Lake. For the luggage and accessories to reach “Bandipore” we directed the syce to load and proceed from a place called “ Bonakote “ the distance of which from Aloosa is approximately seven kos. In the meantime while taking a joy ride in the Wular Lake we came across an ancient structure in the midst of this lake. This is known as “Lank” (Zain Lank). Following is inscribed on it:-

To be present in the moment in a place like this  which is like a  mini island like patch in the midst of waters all around it, the depth of which cannot be fathomed and where the view of its banks eludes the eye is an amazing experience. It is said that as many as three hundred sixty villages exist in horizontal as well as vertical plane on its banks. From here we proceeded to Bandipora and after resting for a while we continued on horses to reach Bonakote. Our resolve to proceed further to “Gilgit” and “Gurez” areas got firm. But since rations on this long route are not forthcoming it was decided to arrange the stocking of provisions for about fifteen to sixteen days. Again as nothing of the sort could be found in a village like this, the onus of providing the same fell on Maharaja Gulab Singh’s Kardars who agreed to arrange them .

On account of being indisposed on the nineteenth of June, we preferred to stay at Banakote. Maharaja Gulab Singh’s Kardar Gurudat Singh appeared with rations worth four days for our onward journey and informed that these rations will suffice till Gurez, wherefrom further essentials worth ten days can be acquired for the trip to Jasora. “The rations for onward movement to Gilgit can be picked from Jasora itself.” He said.

The high official from Jasora, Ghulam Wazir accompanied by the Wazir of Gilgit both paid a visit. They were under obligation of presenting certain gifts along with horses to Maharaja at Kashmir (Srinagar). When we tried to enquire about our onward journey they told us that the whole extension to Gilgit from this place onwards is barren and unpopulated. Nothing grows here. Neither the firewood nor any water is available. Water is made by melting ice. Only three villages are known to exist even when Jasore is supposed to include fourteen hamlets of these villages. Similarly the area from Jasore to Gilgit is also spread over three to four huddles of villages which is to say that human habitations are seen at six or seven places only along this route and the population is very scant. It inter alia also suggests that there is no way to acquire any provisions on this long route. Wafadar Gurezwala  met us on this occasion. This elderly person used to be a landlord of some area in Gurez  but during the time of General Myan Singh he lost his suzerainty.

After leaving Bonakote and crossing an uphill distance of seven kos we reached “Pochi Baaz” in the evening. Nothing but mountains caught up our view. A stream however did run all along. Therefore considering it to be an ideal place to take rest we decided to camp here for the night. There was snow also. No tree or firewood was available. We did try to move into a nearby cliff to get some of it but the same was so dank that it hardly caught fire. I may mention a very interesting incident that took place here. Since the flow of water had been full some moments before and as soon as we finished our meals we required cleaning and washing our crockery, suddenly the stream had run dry. As there was no option we slept in such helpless state. And when morning broke we again noticed the stream full of water. This indeed was amazing. Eventually it became clear that it is actually the snow that feeds this stream and during the night when it is very cold the water freezes to melt again in the mornings and water flow is released again. The whole place is however very cold and the snowfall continues for over ten months.

On twenty first of June, 1947, we moved a distance of ten kos and managed to reach a place called “Dodkho”. No human habitations exist and as prudent it seemed we camped by the side of a big waterfall. The mountainous path is highly treacherous and lays covered with snow. One  therefore is forced to walk on foot.

Visit to Gurez Valley

On 22nd June after continuing our trek over five kos we reached “Dobroo” a village in Gurez valley. This valley is home to some four big and three small villages. The locals go in for some sort of agriculture here. However except for a cereal that goes by the name of “Tronya” and some variety of peas nothing else grows around here. Residents of the area use this Tronya to make their bread and consume it along with peas as mentioned. The mighty river Kishenganga flows with full roar at this place with its sweet and cold waters.

A flyover has been built over this river with an extension of a house where some twelve to thirteen soldiers employed in the service of Maharaja Gulab Singh reside . The way forward is hilly and the first village is “Danpora”. Jasora lies some ten kilometres to its west. Taking into consideration the logistics of our onward movement to Gilgit we decided to acquire our provisions for ten more days. At this moment all soldiers who acted as our guards except me bade farewell to Sahab. The locals here speak a language different from Kashmiri and this place seems to be the last frontier of Kashmir valley.

Trip to Dawar, Gilgit

And now begins the trip to the snowy and mountainous area of Gilgit.

 The day of twenty third June, 1847 was spent at Dawar and in anticipation of moving to Gilgit the next day, we bid adieu to everybody. Today Garbha Jamaadaar in the employment of Maharaja Sahab presented himself with eight days of rations and left. Tomorrow as Sahab Bahadur will be visiting Gilgit, others will head towards Kashmir (Srinagar).

On account of the rains on 24th we stayed put at Dawar. In the meantime a letter from Lieutenant Taylor addressed to Sahab was received asking the later to relieve Pandit Kanhaya Lal (myself) for directions to report at Srinagar  to complete some pending urgent government work. Sahab Bahadur therefore bade goodbye to me and decided to take the services of only six soldiers (deployed at Gurez fort) to accompany him to Gilgit.

On 25th of June, 1847, I along with other employees gathered for moving to Srinagar and left for Dodkho after travelling five kos and spent the night there.  On 26th June after having left Dodkho in the morning we arrived at the mountain top “Drethan” and at once I noticed that the mane of my horse had turned white for no apparent reason. Even though I did not happen to see any snow falling, this amazing scene unfolded before my eyes. Considering that I had put on four coats of clothing including my “Choga” (Cloak) and the covering garment over it plus an earmuff which exposed my eyes only to make me see a very short distance in front, I could not notice any snow. It was however given to understand that it indeed was snowing. We all made a huddle and decided to do things on priority. I suggested to them that during such weather disruptions it is always prudent to stay in a safe house and as soon this is over only then should we move further. The moment this snow freezes it turns into stone thereby ceasing all routes of escape. If the narrow passage linking this area to mainland gets frozen we all are going to perish in these harsh locales. Thus as far as possible we need to make an escape from here since it is always the peaks that receive the highest snow in comparison to the valley areas. Everybody understood and appreciated the suggestion and so we fled from this spot. I left my horse and started running and gave directions to my syce to continue the movement on horse as long as the poor animal is able to take him otherwise he should dump it in the first instance there and thereafter run to save his life. Running like this we somehow managed to cover a distance of three kos. Due to intense cold and the pain we had got it was not possible to continue further. After collecting firewood at this place we stoked some fire and warmed ourselves. Now every one of us had got together as planned and we all proceeded to Pochibaag. Fatigued as we were we still discussed whether it was possible to move ahead or not.  At this point I intervened and apprehended that the snowfall during the night may not allow us to escape from this place and we may remain dumped here. As nobody listened to me I told them to get lost whereupon they understood the gravity of the situation and agreed to move during the night and thus we made the much needed return journey of seven kos to Bonakote. Immediately I called for one Malik Sahab and ordered him to clear his Hamam where we could spend the night. We all went hungry as the things and other stuff was not received by us. In spite of this,  Malik Sahab proved to be a great host. He at once slaughtered a fat sheep. As no utensils for cooking the same lay with us we pierced a branch into it and began barbecuing it with the only available salt. We all had it to our heart’s fill and very little of it was left. Even though it was semi cooked and without the luxury of spices, it tasted so good that one is not able to forget the taste it left in my mouth till this day.

On 27th June 1847, the moment our stuff arrived in the morning we exchanged the coolies and proceeded towards Bandipora which lay at a distance of three kos from here. We dried our wet stuff here.

 On 28th after traversing seven kos by boat over Wullar we returned to Sumbal and spent the night there.

On 29th June, 1847 we again reached to Kashmir (Srinagar) and had a meeting with Lieutenant Taylor Sahab who put me up at Sheikhbaagh. I remained there for about two months to complete my governmental assignments. Thereafter I returned to my Board office s at Lahore.

Mention About Kashmir

Some mention about Kashmir is necessary. Kashmir in olden days was known by the name of Srinagar and only ardent pietists lived here. Except for Pandits nobody resided here. They did not know anything about sumptuous food. They depended upon plant life and survived on greens only. No rancour, jealousy or hatred existed among the population. This was a heavenly place. As one poet has put it.:-

In course of time Afghans and other mountainous people conquered it and afflicted much violence on people and desecrated and destroyed their places of worship and forcefully converted them to Islam. As a result only two communities Pandits and Muslims live here. However, Maharaja Ranjeet Singh lead three expeditions to conquer it, only to succeed the fourth time and ensured that Sikhs can move freely inside the territory of Kashmir, a land which is fertile and endowed with a salubrious climate. Thus Sikhs also began to reside in Kashmir. Further when the country came under Maharaja Gulab Singh every community began to live and thrive here.

The river “Vitasta” also known as “Jehlum” in Punjab flows through the city of Srinagar and accommodates the population on its both banks. The houses have been constructed in such a way that their doors or the rooms directly open or extend over its waters. These are often supported by wooden poles which have been embedded into the walls of polished stones of the walls of these houses. The extensions like these act as sitting rooms. People also bathe in such rooms to keep themselves safe from harsh winters and the impairing wind. Many rivulets and streams have been drawn from this river to every Mohalla and locality and market. Smaller boats known as “Shikaras” continuously roam and ferry people in these waters. A water channel even leads into the Dal Lake. As many as seven bridges have been constructed over this river. They are called “Kadal” in Kashmiri. These are “Hameera Kadal” , “Habba Kadal” ,”Aali Kadal” , “Zaina Kadal” , “Fateh Kadal” , “Nawa Kadal” and “Safa Kadal”. Rows upon rows of shops are seen alongside these bridges especially Zaina Kadal. The population of a full Mohalla is accommodated there. Shopkeepers sell every kind of goods in this bazaar.  Every house is seen to grow fruit trees and nowhere in the world do these fruits occur. It is learnt that the grapes of Kabul, pomegranate of Qandhar and the apples of Iran are somewhat superior but the variety of fruit that Kashmir grows has no equal anywhere in the world. This is known as “Glass”. It is such a small, sweet and rounded fruit which is red in colour and its softness is such that one cannot feel its peel. The irony is as soon as the fruit gets detached from the tree it attracts larvae to it. Thus it is in the fitness of things to enjoy this fruit as soon as it is plucked otherwise its freshness may be lost within two hours. The clustered fruit contains a thin cuticle which is not more than the dimension of human hair follicle.  In the same sweet and refreshing category of fruits, fall mulberry, grapes, apples and pears. These are extraordinary in their own way. The poor use it to sweeten their food items. These fruits in addition to being very tasty are digestible also. Whenever they are consumed after a full meal one gets a voracious appetite within no time. Additionally fruits like apricots, cherries plum and melon are sweet beyond description. One has to eat them to know their taste. And the extraordinary “Pashmina” of Kashmir has attained prominence like the sun and the same applies to everything in Kashmir. Thus the pen cannot make a mention about its grandeur. It is only seen to be believed.

It appears to me that to continue writing about the same will be a waste of time. A man whatever his taste for drinking if he so desires or whatever the religion he professes, he will achieve any goal he intends to set for himself. The solitude peculiar to this place is not found anywhere. The man who is driven to worldly pleasures will find that there is no better place for him to enjoy and if one happens to be poor one can carry on nicely with his life on a small budget. The extraordinary thing about this place is that one can fill one’s tummy with bread and meat on a meagre sum of one and a half rupees. If one intends to sustain oneself on fruits only one can do so without paying a penny. The writer has heard from English travellers that such a place does not exist even in England. The country of Britain thus stands nowhere in comparison to Kashmir.

Now I come to the end of it and hope my esteemed readers of these pages will always pray for my welfare and should they come across any inaccuracies and inconsistencies in them, they may kindly pardon me for the same. These pages have been penned down for travel enthusiasts only and not with the intention to demonstrate any writing capability or competence.

(CONCLUDED)
*N.B: The earlier five episodes of the travelogue can be assessed at:

In the previous  five blogs, Kashmir Rechords  carried the information about Englishman ( Mr. Bedim’s)  1847 travel to Kashmir via Jammu  dated  9th December, to be accessed  at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu/  and  next  Englishman’s 1847 travel to Kashmir via Jammu, Rajouri, published on 12th December 2023, to be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu-rajouri/. Part third of this travelogue inside Kashmir valley was published on 30th December 2023 to be accessed at https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu. Part fourth of the travelogue was published on January 14, 2024 to be accessed here at https//Kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-travel-to-kashmir-via-jammu. Part V of the travelogue :“Englishman’s 1847 visit to Mattan, Anantnag, Srinagar” can be accessed at: https://kashmir-rechords.com/englishmans-1847-visit-to-mattan-anantnag-srinagar/  “Sair-e- Kashmir 1278 AH” is written on the cover of the Book having 41 (forty-one) pages. The travelogue is between the periods of   April 1847 to June 1847.

**Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo, an accredited translator of Kashmiri, Urdu and Hindi by Sahitya Akademi New Delhi and Indian Institute of Languages Mysore,  is associated with the institution of All India Radio (AIR) where he  worked as Senior most Producer. During his career of more than thirty years  in AIR, (including Radio Kashmir Srinagar and Radio Kashmir, Jammu),  he has produced hundreds of programmes covering a wide range of topics and interests that range from ‘Features’, ‘Dramas’ , ‘Literary Magazines’ , ‘Current Affairs’ and overseen Music recordings. He also has the professional expertise  of anchoring Live shows and News.His books of Translation include:1. “Samay Matrika” … Translation of 10th century Sanskrit classic of the same name by Acharya Ksemendra of Kashmir.2.Sahitya Akademi New Delhi’s “Hum Kaal Sindhi Afsana Sombran” a Kashmiri translation of Hindi scripted ” Samkaleen Hindi Kathayen”, and under publication “Navi Yogikie Vaaeris Dar” a Kashmiri translation of English scripted collection of Punjabi short stories of renowned Punjabi short story writer Mohinder Singh Sarna. 3. Indian Institute of Languages publication “Hindustaenie Falsafekie Khad-o-Khal” …The Kashmiri translation of “Outlines of Indian Philosophy” by world renowned Professor M.Hiriyanna.4.The Writer of the Monograph on veteran and doyen of Kashmiri poetry, Makhan Lal Kanwal…. Sahitya Academy Publication, Delhi.  Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo is also a  short story writer in Kashmiri. In addition, he has presented a number of essays in Kashmiri.

A  Meadow in Kashmir where Aurel Stein worked on Rajatarangini

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
(By: R. C Ganjoo)*
  Ever since I took up journalism as my profession in 1982, I had been keenly desirous of paying a visit to Mohand Marg. It did not happen for many years. Eventually, a time came when my dream was realized and on July 2, 2022, I found myself at Wanghat in Kangan area of Kashmir along with a couple of my journalist friends. Wanghat is famous for its historical ruins of Hindu temples and Buddhist viharas. It is a site of archaeological significance. Mohand Marg on the other hand is a place where a   Hungarian-born archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein translated the famous Rajtarangani book from Sanskrit to English in the 1930s. Stein had spent many summers at Mohand Marg meadows translating the Rajatarangini.
  After covering the distance from Ganderbal to Wanghat in two hours, we met a local contact who was waiting there to receive us. During our discussion about the plan to visit Mohand Marg, the locals were not in favour of our adventure. They said it would be difficult to track 15 km to Mohand Marg, a steep climb with no arrangements for the trekking adventure. In case we made it, the return would take a month. Despite these discouraging signals, I wanted to visit my long-cherished spot.

Visit to Mohand Marg

The local Sarpanch informed us that we were first supposed to reach Anderwan village, the starting point of Mohand Marg. I had heard about Mohand Marg from elders, and later on, I read about its significance. Sir Marc Aurel Stein’s name always made me inquisitive to know why he had chosen this location situated at a height of 11000 feet in the woodland of the Himalayas, to translate Kalhan Pandit’s celebrated history Rajatarangini and add to it footnotes and appendages of unique scholarship.
The British archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein was born on 26 November 1862 in Hungary in a moderate Jewish family. He fell in love with this meadow (Mohand Marg) on his first visit to Kashmir on 8 June 1888, and continued to visit this place till April 1943. Stein spent several summers at Mohan Marg meadows translating the Rajatarangini into English.
  After completing his work, Stein erected a memorial at the place to commemorate his achievement. It suffered some damage later. From Mohand Marg, he made four major expeditions to Central Asia in 1900-1901, 1906-1908, 1913-1916, and 1930.
The local Sarpanch who was already briefed by my friends about our mission Mohand Marg, was thus extraordinarily careful to make our adventure a success.
   On arriving at Anderwan village on July 3, 2022, we found three horses with their keepers waiting for us. Giving instructions before mounting the horses, the local Sarpanch said we should take Paracetamol tablets and chew onion, otherwise while passing through the woods the fragrance of shrubs could cause dizziness. He had kept eatables like chapatis, vegetables, butter, salted tea, and water bottles with the horse keepers.
We started our expedition on horseback at 10 am. Just after completing the two-kilometer trek easily, gradually the uphill journey started on a tortuous route of scattered white stones. Here we were advised by the horse keepers to lean forward to make it easy for the horse to negotiate the narrow curves along the hilly terrain.
After covering seven km of uphill terrain in two hours, we reached Jabbad, a small highland where our friends and guides advised us to take some rest and snacks. The young boys accompanying us were college students but doing a part-time job as guides. Before taking snacks, the boys suggested we take Paracetamol tables and onion. I was carrying my medical kit and offered tablets to everyone. However, the boys were reluctant to take the tablets because they were acclimatized to the hilly environment.
  From Jabbad, the terrain was almost forbidding, but our strength was the company of our boys and our continuous conversation with them. They too were smart to keep our attention away from difficult terrain where horses too get scared while negotiating the narrow treks.
Finally, we were thrilled to reach our destination at 12 o’clock, trekking through the lush green meadow of densely lined pine trees. At once, I touched the tri-faced memorial stone with epitaphs in Urdu, English, and Sanskrit on the site of Sir Marc Aurel Stein’s camping ground at Mohand Marg erected in December 2017 by the Kashmir Chapter of INTACH, and the Department of Tourism, Government of Jammu & Kashmir. I felt emotionally sublimated after touching the memorial of a great scholar. I was happy I had at last achieved my decade-old mission of visiting Mohand Marg.
  The site is unique in its pristine beauty and solitude, and so close to nature. Our tiredness evaporated in thin air. As we set our feet on the spot we were seeking we felt as if we were on top of the world.
I was carrying with me a copy of Rajatarangini, translated by Stein for reference. Here, I found out that he had preferred this location because of its seclusion and the soothing fragrance of pine trees and flowers. The sky was cloudy. We got scared of the rain because there was no shelter anywhere in the vast lush green meadow. However, the clouds disappeared after dropping some raindrops. We were lucky to escape the vagary of nature. The bright sun rays made the meadow more attractive.
Author R. C. Ganjoo at Mohand Marg

  Stein’s unfulfilled wish!

Aurel Stein had spent several decades here absorbed in the pristine beauty of nature and in his scholarly exercise. Unfortunately, his last wish remained unfulfilled. He had desired that he should be “cremated” in his beloved Mohand Marg. Stein died of a massive heart attack in Kabul in 1943 at the age of 81. He had never married. He often expressed that the ‘thought of marriage never came to him’.
In Aurel Stein’s own words “from the high mountain plateau which my camp once more occupies, almost the whole of Kashmir lies before me, from the ice-capped peaks of the northern range to the long snowy line of the Pir Panjal, a little world of its own, enclosed by mighty mountain ramparts. “
Aurel-Stein-and his group at Mohand Marg-1940.

Pt. Mukund Ram Shastri’s assistance to Stein

  In 1899, Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri had assisted Stein in translating Rajatarangini in several ways till his great work was completed. Shastri was asked to give up the teaching job in a Christian missionary, at the request of Aurel Stein. King George V conferred upon him the title of Mahamahopadhyaya in 1912.
Pt. Mukund Ram Shastri
Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri died in 1921, leaving behind his authentic works of scholarship. He was well respected by western scholars. Grierson called him his ‘old friend’. Stein observed, “I shall always be glad to remember him among my friends’”. Dr. Hutzch records, “In him also I hope to have found at once a friend whom I shall never forget. To all those for whom Kashmir is not just a geographical denomination but a repository of learning and ideas, Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri will always be a guiding star.”
John Marshall once observed “Pandit Mukund Ram Shastri, about whom I can safely say that there is no Pandit in India of whom I have heard such consistent high praise from all with whom he has come in contact.”

*R. C. Ganjoo is a senior journalist and columnist having more than 40 years experience of covering issues concerning national security, particularly Kashmir. He has worked with several prominent media groups and his articles have been published in many national and international publications. He has co-authored two books– “Operation Khatma’’ and “Farooq of Kashmir’’.

(The views, observations and opinions expressed in above write up are strictly author’s own. Omission if any is regretful and Kashmir Rechords is open to any correction)

  State Subject to Domicile: The Journey of Indian Citizenship of  J&K Residents

Kashmir Rechords
-
0

 (From the Feudal Dogra State through Independent India to the Present-day Naya Bharat)

(By: Dr. S.N. Pandita*)

Introduction

From a State Subject to Permanent Resident and now to a Domicile has been nearly a century-long eventful journey for the natives of Jammu Kashmir and Ladakh as the citizens of India now Bharat. However, given the ethnic cleansing and genocide committed against the minority Pandit community (Hindus) this status now holds very little on ground for the exiled community of the Kashmiri Pandits within the Valley of Kashmir.
Nevertheless, a revisit to the landmark stages of this journey can likely be of some nostalgic interest to the older generation of the exiled KP community in general and for the younger generation, in particular, it is expected to hold some academic and intellectual interest; hence this recall for both the segments of the readers.
(Pic Source: Internet)

Dogra Rule & Outsiders Entering Kashmir

It all began with the advent of the Dogras in Kashmir. Soon after Maharaja Gulab Singh came to the throne of Kashmir in 1846, he appointed Dewan Jawala Shahi, a Khatri from Panjab, as his Prime Minister. With him came a train of Panjabis into the valley.  At the time, practically, there were no educated natives who could occupy various positions, both in the higher and lower ranks of administrative machinery in the State, Jawala Shahi inducted many of his qualified Panjabi favourites to occupy such positions.
(Dewan Jawala Shahi who was the Prime Minister of Kashmir in 1846. Picture Courtesy: Punjab Digital Library )
This arrangement continued through Maharaja Gulab Singh’s rule without a murmur even after the Prime Minister was changed.
Following his death in 1857, Maharaja Gulab Singh was succeeded by his son Maharaja Ranbir Singh who continued with this practice with some additional favour to the Bengalis who occupied several key positions particularly in the judiciary of the State until his death in 1885. Next arrived Maharaja Pratap Singh who had both the Panjabis and Bengalis in key positions of his administrative set-up. Such outsiders were commonly called as Gair Mulki. The result was the coming of many outsiders who received extensive land grants, were placed in many positions of trust and authority. Moreover, the commerce was monopolized mostly by the Panjabis and with the waves of Panjabi settlers immigrating into Kashmir the natives found themselves pushed into background, though the process was slow

Awareness, Protest & Agitation

However, the situation changed when two colleges of higher education and learning; the Sri Pratap College in Srinagar in 1905 and the other, the Prince of Wales College, in Jammu, in 1907 were setup that soon turned-out young college educated natives, mostly Kashmiri Pandit (KP) boys in Srinagar and few Dogras from Jammu   by sometime about 1912 onwards.
It were these young educated natives of the State who now aspired for employment opportunities in the administrative machinery of Jammu and Kashmir. In a way, the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogra youth joined hands to press the demand for their share in the State’s   administration by way of employment in many suitable positions. The agitation was spearheaded mainly by the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogras of Jammu. They were first to take to modern education, long before the Kashmiri Muslims became politically active. The main voices of these demands came from the KPs as they felt deprived of their share in the services. The Kashmiri Muslims were not in the picture at this stage.
In 1922, at the instance of Maharaj Kumar Hari Singh, the then Commander-in-Chief of the State Forces and a Senior Member of the State Council and also next in line to the throne constituted a committee to define the term ‘Hereditary State Subject’ and examine the entire question of naturalization in the State.
The heads of all the departments were directed to prepare a list of Mulkies, naturalized Mulkies and non-State Subjects in the State employment. At the time, a circular was also issued that under the signatures of the Maharaja, Pratap Singh, that prohibited a non-State Subject to acquire land in the State. The circular also put a moratorium on the employment of any non-State Subject in the employment of the State without the express permission of the Maharaja.
However, nothing much came out of this exercise without any confirmed official definition of the State Subject. But this nebulous situation forged a greater alliance between the Kashmiri Pandits and the Dogra Sadar Sabha to obligate the Maharaja on defining the term Hereditary State Subject.
In Jammu, the contest came to the fore in the Dogra versus the Panjabi controversy. In Kashmir, the British officers sided with the Kashmiri Pandits against their fight with the outsiders who were mostly Arya Samajis with whom was associated the name of Lala Lajpat Rai.  In fact, the Panjabis were an anathema to the British and, hence, their sympathies lay with the Kashmiri Pandits in their just demands.
It was here that Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Shanker Koul, Pandit Jia Lal Koul and Pandit Jia Lal Jalali, all of them fresh from college between the years 1922 and 1924 raised the banner of agitation through outside press for securing the rights of the State Subjects. Pandit Jia Lal Kilam organised public meetings and held conferences both in Jammu and Srinagar under the banner of Dogra Sadar Sabha. This banner of revolt forged some sort of vague nationalism and the educated classes both from Jammu and Kashmir felt a kind of common kinship in this cause.
In 1925, an article appeared in Akhbar-i-Aam published by Pandit Gwash Lal Koul from Lahore highlighting the plight of native Kashmiris under the heading Unemployment in Kashmir. For writing this scathing piece against the Dogra Maharaja, a stern action was taken against Pandit Gwash Lal Koul, he galvanized the voice of educated Kashmiri Pandits to take up the matter further through the Indian Press and pleaded with the educated young Kashmiri Pandit men to carry out a relentless agitation for securing their exclusive employment rights to man the state administration.

State Subject Movement & Institution of the Commission

The State Subject Movement had very distinctive features as it amalgamated both the regions of Jammu and Kashmir on the issue. It was in one of the annual conferences of the Dogra Sadar Sabha held in Srinagar in October 1926 that Pandit Jia Lal Kilam moved a resolution demanding that only those persons be termed as Hereditary State Subjects whose ancestors had been residing in the state since the time of Maharaja Gulab Singh and be given preference in employment over those who were merely residing in the State from its formation in 1846.
This paved way to demand the constitution of a committee which was urged to define the term State Subject in the finality and as early as possible.  Maharaja Hari Singh appointed a Commission under the chairmanship of General Janak Singh, the then Revenue Minister to define the term. This Commission comprised both the officials and non-officials besides the representatives of the natives and outsiders with broad representation given to all the section of the population of the state including the Kashmiris, the Dogra and the Panjabis.

The First State Subject Notification

The Commission submitted its report in 1927 defining the term State Subject. Following this recommendation, the Private Secretary to Maharaja Hari Singh, P.K. Wattal (Pyare Krishen Wattal) issued a Circular Order dated January 31, 1927 by command of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur that read:
“His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur has been pleased to command that in future in the case of every new entrant into State Service the authority empowered to make the appointment should certify that he has satisfied himself after due enquiries that the person appointed is a hereditary State subject. Further, that in the absence of such a certificate the Accountant General should not pass the pay bill of such State servant without the definite orders of His Highness in Council to the contrary.
“For the purpose of this order the term “Hereditary State Subject” will be held to mean and include all persons born and residing within the State before the commencement of the reign of His Highness the late Maharaja Gulab Singh Sahib Bahadur and also persons who settled therein before the commencement of Samvat 1942 (1885 AD) and have since been permanently residing therein. The certificate will be given after due enquiries by the Wazir Wazarat in whose charge the candidate for State service resides and the form of such certificate should be submitted by the Accountant General for the approval of His Highness in Council. In the meantime, this order will have effect from the date of issue, namely 31st January 1927.”

The Second State Subject Notification

(The State Subject Certificate makes a mention of a Govt Notification No 84 of the Judicial Department, April 20, 1927.Pic Kashmir Rechords)
A little less than three months later a Government Notification No: 84, of the Judicial Department, to this effect was issued on April 20, 1927 by the Judicial Minister Nazir Ahmed which read:
“ The following definition of the term “State Subject” has been sanctioned by His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur (vide Private Secretary letter No; 2354 dated 31st January 1927, to the Revenue Member of Council) and is hereby promulgated for general information:-
“Class I– All persons born and residing within the State before the commencement of the reign of His Highness the late Maharaja Gulab Singh Bahadur and also persons who settled therein before the commencement of Samvat year 1942 (1885 AD) and have since been permanently residing”.
“Class II– All persons other than those belonging to class I who settled within the State before the close of Samvat year 1968 (1911 AD) and have permanently resided and acquired immovable property therein”.
“Class III – All persons other than those belonging to class I and II permanently residing within the State who have acquired under a Rayatnama any immovable property therein or who may hereafter acquire such property under an Ijazatnama and may execute a Rayatnama after ten years’ continuous residence therein.”

Notes to The Notification

The Notification further carried two Notes and read:
Note (1) “In the matter of grants of State Scholarships, State land for agriculture and house building purpose and recruitment to State Service, State Subject of class I should receive preference over other classes and those of class II over class III subject, however, to the order dated 31st January 1927 of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur regarding employment of hereditary State subjects in Government service”.
Note (2) “The descendants of the persons who have acquired the status of any class of the State subjects will be entitled to become the State subjects of the same class. For example, if A is declared a State subject of class II his sons and grandsons will ipso facto acquire the same status of class II and not of class I”

The Third State Subject Notification

Subsequently, vide another Notification dated June 27, 1931, one more Class of State Subject and one more qualifying Note was added as Class IV State Subject and Note 3.
The Class IV State subjects were defined as:
“Companies which have been registered as such within the State and which, being companies in which the Government are financially interested or as to the economic benefit to the State or to the financial stability of which the Government are satisfied, have by a special order of His Highness been declared to be State subjects”.
The Note 3 read:
 “The wife or a widow of a State Subject of any class shall acquire the status of her husband as State Subject of Class as her husband, so long as she resides in the State and does not leave the State for permanent residence out-side the State”.

State Subject Certificates for Employment Only

Evidently, the State Subject Certificates issued under the Notification dated 31st January 1927 of the Private Secretary to His Highness Maharaja Bahadur Hari Singh became paramount in securing employment in the state Government.
After the establishment of this definition in 1927, every entrant into the State Government service was required to produce a certificate of his being a hereditary State subject of Class I. Such certificates were issued by the Wazir Wazarat in whose jurisdiction the candidate happened to reside.

Curse for Pandits & Boon for Muslims

Parenthetically, it was the Kashmiri Pandits, whose untiring efforts including the agitation “Kashmir for Kashmiris” in the 20s of the last century led to the implementation of the State Subject Law, yet “ultimately the definition proved boon for the majority community”, the Muslims of the State and curse for the Kashmiri Pandits in the following decades because of the vicious communal politics that played out in the post-independence era.

Format & Purpose of Early State Subject Certificates

The earliest State Subject Certificates were simply titled: “Certificate of Hereditary State Subject”. These were essentially issued only for the purpose of employment of the candidate in the State Service. Such certificates expressly stated the name of the candidate and his residential address and also declared his being a candidate for employment in the particular department in which he had or would apply for employment and being a hereditary State Subject of Jammu and Kashmir territory “within the meaning of Private Secretary to His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur’s Notification No: Nil, dated 31st January 1927”.
Such certificates were issued by the Wazir  Wazarat on the basis of his enquiries and how he had satisfied himself that the candidate had fulfilled the criterions of the Notification dated 31st January 1927.
The present writer has perused two such certificates extant presently. The first one bears No: 71 issued on November 27, 1929 under the signatures of the then Wazir- Wazarat Sri Ram.
This certificate is issued on the attestations of Prof. Radha Krishen Bhan and Prof. Nand Lal Koul, both Professors at S.P. College, Srinagar and Pandit Jia Lal Kilam, then a Pleader at the Maharaja’s Court who later rose to become the Judge of the High Court of Jammu & Kashmir and came to be famously known as Justice Kilam.
In that sense this certificate is uniquely historical for being issued on the attestation of Pandit Jia Lal Kilam who was the main architect of the State Subject Law as detailed in the earlier parts of this paper.
The second certificate bears the title: “His Highness’ Government, Jammu And Kashmir” is issued on August 12, 1930 under the signature of Wazir Wazarat S.N. Raina. The certificate is issued on two criterions; firstly, on the record of Certificate No: 71 dated November 27, 1929 and also the Wazir Wazarat knew the applicant personally.
However, subsequent to the State Subject Notification dated   April 20, 1927 the candidates were also issued certificates of being State Subjects of Class I, II and III within the meaning of the Judicial Department Notification No: 84 dated the 20th April 1927 and Class IV vide Notification dated June 27, 1931. Such certificates allowed the candidate to acquire State land for agriculture and house building purposes and avail State Scholarships for educational purposes.
The fundamental criterion for the issuance of such certificates was that the candidate’s cast was not declared as Non-Agriculturist in Gazette dated June 29, 1934. Presently a State Subject Certificate of Class I category of Hereditary State Subject issued on January 29, 1937 by the Tehsildar Khas, Southern, Srinagar vide office File No; 1305 of 1937 still survives.

Permanent Residency Certificates

These definitions of State Subjects were later adopted and subsumed, essentially unchanged into the term “Permanent Residents” in the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution adopted on November 17, 1956 which came into effect on January 26, 1957 in conjunction to  Article 370 of the Indian Constitution adopted on  October 17, 1949. All persons who were State Subjects as on May 14, 1954 were deemed as Permanent Residents of the state.
From then onwards, while the validity of the State Subject certificates continued to remain effective a revised certificate of Permanent Residency also came into vogue as defined under Section 6 of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir. Such certificates were issued under the signature of Deputy Commissioner of the respective divisions of the state.

State Subject Certificates with Riders Issued to Kashmiri Pandits

( Permanent Resident Certificate issued for the purpose of seeking Government Employment only. Pic: Kashmir Rechords)
By late 70s of the last century, the main criterion on which such certificates were issued to Kashmiri Pandits were for the “Purpose of Training Only”. In the case of the female Kashmiri Pandit holders, an additional rider was put with the remarks “Valid till Marriage” subsequent to the incorporation of Article 35 A in the Indian Constitution adopted in sequel to the 1952 Delhi Agreement reached between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir on July 24, 1952.
( Permanent Resident Certificate of an unmarried Hindu girl with a rider “Valid Till Marriage”. Pic Source: Internet)

Annulling the State Subject & Permanent Residency Certificates

For subsequent several decades both the State Subject Certificates issued  during the Dogra Period of Maharaja Hari Singh and the Permanent Residency Certificates issued thereafter in independent India by the Government of Jammu and Kashmir for the  permanent residents of the State remained as valid documents until  they were annulled by scraping Articles 370 and 35 A of the Indian Constitution by a Parliamentary Act on August 5, 2019 along with which the State was also bifurcated into two Union Territories, the UT of Jammu and Kashmir and  the UT of Ladakh.

Birth of Domicile Certificates

Subsequent, administrative orders issued by the Government of the UT of Jammu and Kashmir replaced the State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates with a common Domicile Certificates. According to the laid down rules and prescribed procedures all the holders of the State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates were granted Domicile Certificates.

Domicile Certificates to Other Non- Permanent Resident Categories

(Domicile Certificate of Navin Choudhary, a bureaucrat from Bihar who had become J&K’s first non-local domicile in June 2020. Pic Source: Internet)
However, other non-permanent residents of the State, or outsiders have now also been made eligible to become Domiciles of Jammu and Kashmir subject to the laid down new criterions. These include all persons and their family members who serve in Jammu and Kashmir and belong to all the categories of the Indian Civil Services like, IAS, IPS, IFS, IRS etc ; persons and their family members belonging to military and para-military  forces;  any person who studies in Jammu and Kashmir up to class VII and necessarily  has passed Class 10 Examination of  any Educational Board be that of State or Central and persons who have a continuous residency of 15 years and more in the Union Territory shall also become eligible for Domicile Certificates of the Union Territory.

Introduction of Watermark Seal in Domicile Certificates of Exiled Kashmiri Pandits

It may be noted that all previously issued State Subject Certificates and Permanent Residency Certificates were issued on normal printed stationary of the Government without any Court of Arms of the Dogra insignia or the State logo of Jammu and Kashmir.
(Domicile Certificate of a Kashmiri Pandit migrant Student, issued by Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner, Jammu under Clause 4-b. Pic: Kashmir Rechords)
However, the latest Domicile Certificates issued to the members of the exiled Kashmiri Pandit Community bear a printed watermark seal of the lion of the national Ashoka Pillar and the certificates are issued under the signatures of Relief & Rehabilitation Commissioner (Migrant)

State Subject Movement & Trinity of Jia Lals

Looking in retrospect it will be evident to readers that the crusade of awareness, protest and agitation that finally culminated in the promulgation of the State Subject Law was inaugurated by Kashmiri Pandits. However, what appears to be divinely coincidental is the fact that the Movement for State Subject that was started by four Kashmiri Pandits; and three of them were named Jia Lal (Kilam, Koul and Jalali). The fourth one was Shanker Koul.

* Dr S. N Pandita is a noted Author, Writer and Researcher with nine books and about 80 research papers to his credit. He has   attended five  International and 15 National Conferences; Scores of Seminars, Lectured at SAALG, British Library, London, PRASADA, University of Leicester, UK , Universities of Luton, Leeds, Birmingham, UK  &  Nehru Centre, London.  
 
     Academic qualification: Ph.D. (D. Phil); Bodleian Reader, Oxford. Principal Research Investigator, HLF-KBC Sir Aurel Stein Kashmir Heritage Project, U.K. ;
 
Awards & Recognition:  Atisha Award 2001; Man of The Year-2004, (American Biographical Institute); Listed to 2000 World Intellectuals, 2004 (  International Biographical Centre, Cambridge, UK)
 
Academic Field : History, Heritage, Culture, Language & Literature of Kashmir.( Inter-Disciplinary & Trans-Disciplinary Studies)
 
Specialization & Expertise: Collaborative Interface of Scholarship between the Western & Kashmiri Scholars during the 19th and 20th century. (Dogra Period) &  Currently Unknown and Defunct Kashmiri Numeral System developed and used during the Dogra Period.
 
* Dr. S. N Pandita asserts his Copyright on the entire text  of the article under the main heading “State Subject to Domicile: The Journey of Indian Citizenship of  &K Residents  (From the Feudal Dogra State through Independent India to the Present-day Naya Bharat)  as its  author.

More Documentary Evidence about Fall of Snakes and Stones in Kashmir! (Part 2)

Kashmir Rechords
-
2
More Documentary Evidence about Fall of Snakes and Stones in Kashmir! (Part 2)

A write-up, published by Kashmir Rechords under the title ``When Snakes, Stones Snowed in Kashmir’ (Part 1) generated a lot of interest on various social-media platforms.  Most of the esteemed readers of Kashmir Rechords have expressed their desire to know more about this unprecedented incident, something they had never heard of.  For majority of the readers it was a news of the century for them!

While contents of both the files have already been put into public domain, Kashmir Rechords is publishing more documentary evidence to bring home the point that such incidents had really happened more than 100 years ago and are well-documented.  

File noting : Fall of Stones from the Heaven

A picture of one such heavy stone that had reportedly come down with snowflakes in 1912 and is currently in possession of Archaeology Department has also been procured for the benefit of our readers.

A Stone that came down with snowflakes in 1912

For Part 1 of this interesting story, click here:

When snakes, stones snowed in Kashmir! (Part 1)

A Kashmiri Pandit diplomat, a spy and a Historian of yesteryears buried in Delhi !

Kashmir Rechords
-
1
A Kashmiri Pandit diplomat, a spy and a Historian of yesteryears buried in Delhi !
www.kashmir-rechords.com
Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri  alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri alias Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri

Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri  alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri alias Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri—–  sounds interesting! But that is how this polyonymous from Zutshi clan had  lavishly lived and  typified  himself  in first half of 19th century as a traveller, a spy, a writer, a diplomat, a polymath, a polyglot    and a  scholar  but  ultimately had to spend his last phase of  life in obscurity!

   In 1845, when Queen Victoria had invited Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri to the Royal Hall in London, it was to the surprise of all to know that this genius, who was functioning as a spy and had assumed Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri as pseudonym, declared his real name as Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri. This revelation had stunned everyone.

Researches based upon the life and works of Pandit Mohan Lal Kashmiri connect him to the Zutshi Pandits of Kashmir. His ancestor, Pandit Lachdii Ram Zutshi had in fact migrated from Kashmir to live in Delhi during the reign of Emperor Shahjahan. The extended Zutshi family was since then living in Sita Ram Bazar of Delhi where this Polyonymous Mohan Lal was born in 1812.

 It was in Delhi English College where this young Mohan Lal under the encouragement of his father Brahm Nath Zutshi (also known as Budh Singh) had received his education in both English and Persian.

 Brahm Nath Zutshi had a Sikh mother who would affectionately call him as Budh Singh. This Budh Singh was married to a Pandit wife, who belonged to Kouls of Gwalior and was bestowed by two sons– Pandit Mohan Lal and his younger brother Pandit Kedar Nath. While Mohan Lal had assumed multi-dimensional personality, his younger brother, Kedar Nath, who died in 1855,   was a Deputy Collector in Ambala, Punjab Province.

Mohan Lal Kashmiri as a Spy

Fate often acts in strange ways and so did it for Mohan Lal. In 1831, the British East India Company had appointed Sir Alexander Burnes as its chief spy to gather information in the countries lying between India and the Caspian. His deputation was a part of great design of the British to penetrate into Afghanistan, Central Asian Sultanates and Tibet. It was the British Secret Service, which selected through Charles Travelyan, this very brilliant and ambitious student, Mohan Lal Zutshi (Kashmiri) to accompany Sir Alexander Burnes. Having joined the British Secret Service in 1831 at a tender age of 19, Mohan Lal assumed the name of Mirza Quli Kashmiri as the Persian interpreter to Sir Alexander Burnes.

The first task of Pandit Mohan Lal, (now Mirza Quli Kashmiri) was to recruit his agents to bring about defections among the Afghan resistance movement. He accomplished this extraordinary task with great tact and intelligence. Posing himself as a Kashmiri Muslim, Mohan Lal Zutshi had married a girl from the Royal House to facilitate him in spying.

 Mohan Lal Kashmiri as a traveller

Both Sir Alexander Burnes and Pandit Mohan Lal explored Central Asia between 1832 to 1834 for procuring political and military intelligence. During his travels, this Kashmiri Pandit, now Mirza Quli Kashmiri would first seek a wife from the influential family of the region so that his matrimonial alliance would provide him with ample protection. Many of his marriages were outcome of sheer compulsions of reaching inner circles of Britishers’ adversaries. He had also married in royal families of Afghanistan and Iran.

 After his return from Central Asia, Pandit Mohan Lal published a journal of his tour in 1834. Twelve years later, this work was re-published with the addition of his travels in Europe. At this same time, he had also published a work on the life of Dost Mohammad Khan, the Amir of Kabul, in two volumes.

 After his Central Asian tour, Mohan Lal Kashmiri alias Mirza Quli Kashmiri was promoted as the Commercial Agent for the British on the Indus and Political Assistant to Sir Burnes in Kabul. During the first Anglo-Afghan War, he was instrumental in setting up and expanding the British intelligence network in Afghanistan. On November 2, 1841, the residence of Sir Alexander Burnes in Kabul was stormed by a mob and both Alexander and his brother Charles were killed. But Pandit Mohan Lal saved his life by posing himself as Mirza Quli Kashmiri. He was awarded the Order of the Empire and made a Knight of the Persian Lion.

Later, during his interaction with the Shia Muslims of Iran, he had felt highly impressed with Persian history and culture and  embraced Islam. It was here he assumed another name to identify himself as Agha Hassan Jan Kashmiri.

In 1843, Mohan Lal retired at the age of 32, disappointed that he had not been properly rewarded for his contributions to the British cause in the First Anglo-Afghan War. He later embarked on a long journey to Egypt, England, Scotland, Ireland, Belgium and Germany. After his European tour in 1846, he published a revised work of his travels in Central Asian countries and Europe.

( Pages from Life and works of `Mohan Lal Kashmiri’ by Hari Ram Gupta, Minerva Book Shop, Lahore- 1943)

Hyderi Begum —  Last wife of Mohan Lal Kashmiri

His favourite Wife, Haidri Begum, the last one, was a Shia Muslim and a scholar. During the turmoil in 1857, she maintained a daybook, recording vividly the happenings and events in Delhi describing the atrocities committed by the British on the last Mughal Emperor. Her diary was later seized and confiscated by the British Government in India.
Hyderi Begum as painted by German artist Paul Fischer

 Mohan Lal Kashmiri’s later years were spent in obscurity and financial troubles. He became a highly frustrated and isolated person because of his total boycott by his own community members, followed by his death in 1877 at the age of 65. He is believed to have been buried in Delhi in his garden called  `Lal Bagh’, near Azadpur. There is no tomb, but only a platform, said to contain the bodies of both Agha Hassan Jan (Mohan Lal) Kashmiri and his favourite wife Hyderi Begum. Hari Ram Gupta, Mohan Lal Kashmir’s biographer,  in his book “Life and Works of Mohan Lal Kashmiri’’,   gives a detailed account of   this unique personality who lived life on his own terms and conditions.

(A page from Life and works of `Mohan Lal Kashmiri’ by Hari Ram Gupta, Minerva Book Shop, Lahore- 1943)

Massive decline of Kashmiri Pandits during 100 years

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Massive decline of Kashmiri Pandits during 100 years

(Records, Census figures speak everything)

If the records are to be relied upon, there has been a massive decline of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir valley during the past 100 years!

In 1921, the population of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir, as per the 1921 Jammu and Kashmir State Census was 55,052. (Source: “Kashmiri Pandits”, a Book written by Pt Anand Kaul in 1924). Out of this total population of Pandits, 21,635 were living in Srinagar, while as 33,417 were putting up in Mufassils. Male Kashmiri Pandits were more (30,944) in comparison to females(24.108). But this was considered as the most healthy sex ratio. Interestingly, only seven Kashmiri Pandits were gazette officers. That punctures the propaganda that Kashmiri Pandits were the elite or ruling class.

1931 and 1941 Censuses

In 1931, the Kashmiri Pandit population, like other communities had also increased. The total increase in number was, however,  only 8056. From 55052 in 1921 it had moved to 63108 in 1931.
According to the 1941 census, there were 78,800 Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir Valley. Source: (Evans, Alexander, “A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001”. Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37).

Srinagar was part of Anantnag District

As per the 1941 Census, Kashmiri Pandits were distributed into two districts of Valley, the Baramulla district, where 12,919 Kashmiri Pandits out of 612,428 total used to live. The other district was Anantnag where they were 7.84 percent of the total population. Interestingly, during those days, Srinagar used to be a part of Anantnag district. Kashmir Valley had only two Districts—- Anantnag and Baramulla. Srinagar formed part of Anantnag and became a separate District only in 1951 A D.

1947:Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir

Scholar Christopher Snedden in his book “ Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris” states that the Pandits made up about 6 percent of the total Kashmir Valley’s population in 1947.  
  Chitralekha Zutshi in her book, Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir (2004), states that by 1950, “population of Kashmiri Pandits declined to five per cent as many Pandits moved to other parts of India due to the uncompensated land redistribution policy, the unsettled nature of Kashmir’s accession to India and the threat of economic and social decline’’

1981 J&K Census

In the 1981 census, the Kashmir Division had 124,078 Kashmiri Pandits. (Source: Evans, Alexander (2002). “A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990-2001”. Contemporary South Asia. 11 (1): 19–37).  This scholar estimates that by 1990, there would have been 160,000 to 170,000 Pandits living in Kashmir Valley, but following the 1989 insurgency, a “great majority of Pandits felt threatened’’ and left the Kashmir Valley for other parts of India. A large number of Kashmiri Pandit refugees moved to the Jammu Division of the erstwhile Princely State and some to the National Capital Region of India.

In 2011, Kashmir had only 3,400 Kashmiri Pandits

The population of Kashmiri Pandits has declined from an estimated 140,000 in the late 1980s to fewer than 3,400 in 2011 this represents a 98% drop in population. (Source: Essa, Assad, 2 August 2011, Kashmiri Pandits: Why we never fled Kashmir”. aljazeera.com). While revealing the figures of Kashmiri Pandits living in Kashmir in 2011, Aljazeera quoted prominent Kashmiri Pandit leader, Sanjay Tickoo, who had not migrated in 1990.
Such a huge decline in the population of Kashmiri Pandits is often and rightly described as a case of ethnic cleansing. On the sharp decline of the Pandit population, Alexander Evans wonders what kind of society Kashmir becomes in the absence of this already small minority.
During the past over a decade, the Government of India has tried many ways to make the situation conducive for the return of Kashmiri Pandits. A scheme under the Prime Minister Employment Package was also introduced but the return of the community, now scattered, has not fully taken place.

2022 Rajya Sabha Statement

In July 2022, Union Minister of State for Home, Nityanand Rai, told the Rajya Sabha that there are just 6,514 Kashmiri Pandits living in the Kashmir valley. The highest number of Pandits (2,639) live in the Kulgam district.
In continuation of their ethnic cleansing that systematically began during the past century, 12 more Kashmiri Pandits were killed by terrorists in Kashmir in 2020, 2021, and 2022.
Instead of an increase in population during the past 100 years (from 55,052 in 1921), the Kashmiri Pandit community living in Kashmir has been reduced to just 6,514 in 2022! Isn’t it an act of ethnic cleansing?

I

All India Radio’s  Bokhari Brothers…  The Kashmir Connection

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
All India Radio’s  Bokhari Brothers…  The Kashmir Connection
(By Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo)

Who were the famous Bokhari brothers? And what was their connection to Kashmir? These questions can interest only those who have a love for modern broadcasting which inter alia means a love of languages and content creation, an eye for detail and nuances of the human condition and an indomitable will to deal with pressures of all kinds.

Since broadcasting was not initially perceived to be built as a career, governments all over the world recognized its potential to influence public opinion. Resources were invested in it and elaborate hierarchical and bureaucratic structures were created which eventually stifled their creativity. Many an intellectual who rushed to become part of All India Radio, the then latest and premium agency of broadcasting, soon got disillusioned and quickly resigned. The Bokhari Brothers were an exception. They continued to be part of this government structure and curiously were able to turn the tide in favour of nationalist sentiment and supported the freedom movement in disguise when in the majority of the programmes of All India Radio nationalist leaders were invited to present their viewpoint albeit differently. All this was taking place under the watchful eyes of government agencies.

  Bokhari Brothers  and  Baramulla

Bokhari Brothers were born into a family of Peers (Sufi mystics) in Peshawar. Their forefathers had, however, moved to Peshawar from Baramulla town of Jammu and Kashmir. Both had managed to occupy the top posts in All India Radio and were considered the blue-eyed boys of Lionel Fielden, India’s  First Controller of Broadcasting. Despite occupying top posts in India, the Bokhari Brothers preferred to be part of the Pakistani establishment  after the partition of the sub-continent

Patras Bokhari

The Elder One– Syed Ahmad Shah Bukhari commonly known as (Patras Bukhari (01-11-1898 to 05-12-1958 was a highly popular Pakistani humorist, writer broadcaster and later a diplomat who served as the Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations. At the time of his death, he was still serving as a Pakistani diplomat but had to be buried in Valhalla Cemetery, New York.

  Bokhari Brothers’ connection to Kashmir was through their father’s family while their mother belonged to Hindkowan ethnicity.  They tried to remain connected with Kashmir. (Patras Bokhari had also a  Kashmiri wife— Zubaida Wanchoo)

   The elder brother’s tryst with life finally lead him to United Kingdom where he received his Tripos degree from Cambridge University. In 1927, he returned to Lahore to teach English at Government College Lahore. During pre partition days he got groomed to be part of Muslim intelligentsia of South Asia which spearheaded the movement for Pakistan. During this period he also headed All India Radio and when Pakistan got created he became the country’s envoy to United Nations up to 1958. The legendary urdu poets Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Noon Meem Rashid and Kanhaya Lal Kapoor were among his students. Bokharis were peers ( Sufi mystics). Peer Syed Ahmad Shah Bukhari wrote with the pen name of Patras Bukhari, a name he lifted from his teacher Peter Watkins who taught him English. Peter could not pronounce the name Pir, instead called the elder brother as“Pierre “ a French word which in Greek is known as Patras. The translation of Peter into Greek “Patras” was thus adopted by him as his pen name.

Younger Bokhari

The younger brother Zulfikar Ali Bukhari (06 -07 1904 to 12-07-1975) was a prolific broadcaster first with  All India Radio and later with Radio Pakistan.  Like his elder brother, he was also a writer, poet and musician and was later made the first Director General of Radio Pakistan.  He later addressed himself as “Controller of Broadcasting’’ of Radio Pakistan. He had a profound knowledge of English, Urdu, Persian, Arabic, Pashto and Punjabi.

In Undivided India, the British government had got wind of his expertise and appointed him initially a teacher and later promoted him as head of the Bureau of Translation to train British officers. His professional services were eventually sought to head as a full-fledged Director (Broadcaster) at Delhi station of All India Radio and later became Director of All India Radio Bombay.  But at the time of partition, he chose to head Radio Pakistan.

Disillusionment of the Elder Bokhari

Patras Bukhari was an internationalist. The energies of the Bokhari Brothers got stifled in a country that they had pursued to be a harbinger of change in the Muslim world. Soon their disillusionment with whatever was happening in Pakistan became clear to them. Pakistan appeared as a nation to safeguard the power, pelf and privileges of the elite only who apprehended that all these would be snatched away from them in united India and such an establishment was not interested in ameliorating the condition of the common populace of Pakistan. This is a fact that the liberals of Pakistan are grudgingly accepting these days.

Maa Kali’s Abode at Srinagar Kashmir

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Maa Kali’s Abode at Srinagar Kashmir

( Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
The Khankah-e-Moula mosque currently standing on the banks of river Jhelum in Srinagar Kashmir is said to have been built upon the ruins of a Hindu temple dedicated to the Mother Kali. This is not entirely without basis as relevant records and documents confirm the veracity of the same. The grand mosque which obscures any remaining remnants of the temple is believed to have been constructed above the walls of an ancient temple dedicated to goddess Kali sacred to Hindus.
Hindus, especially Kashmiri Pandits continued to perform puja at a spot well below the mosque after the desecration of what used to be a grand and magnificent Kali temple. 
There is strong documentary evidence to back this claim and even though many have taken advantage of speculative assumptions to advance their own particular narratives about the existence or non-existence of a Hindu religious site. Unfortunately, that has further complicated the issue.

 Longing of the devotees

But the fact remains that Pujas by Kashmiri Pandits continued to have been performed at this place  cannot be refuted since contemporary accounts by those who compiled their travelogues in Kashmir have documented the fact that Puja did take place and there used to be a small semblance of a temple, at least some walls draped in Sindoor existed and a token or major Pujas are reported to have been taking place even up to 1990.
  Pearce Gervis, author of “ This is Kashmir’’ ( 1954) , published by Cassell and Company Limited London, (on page 20)  mentions that  within the mosque  there is a spring which is sacred to Hindus. Beneath the mosque and right on the water-front, is a Hindu temple, which is much used. It appears to be nothing more than a splash of orange paint upon the stone wall under the water front pathway to the mosque’’.  Pearce Gervis has also published a photograph of the same site in the said book, which was clicked in the decade beginning from 1950.
 Similarly, in a painting pertaining to the year 1906 by an unknown artist, a proper functional temple is also seen existing on the side of the mosque.
Rai Mridu in her book “Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir” (2004) states that local Hindus were involved in various communal disputes and repeated altercations by 1942, agitating for the right to build a temple and lay claim to their ancient shrine at this site which was, however, not acceptable to the majority community of Kashmir.
  The Rising Kashmir in its write-up on the same subject titled ”Maha Kali temple co-exists with Khankah’’  (November 19, 2017)  also mentions about the practice of  Puja taking place  at the mosque site where a  wall marked with Sindoor  existed there.
Noted Kashmiri writer and poet, Zareef Ahmad Zareef quoting  Hasan Shah in ‘Encyclopedia of Kashmir’ says that the Brahmins who did not accept Islam were given this place to pray to their goddess Kali. Zareef  further mentions that  a  religious structure continued to exist till 1990 where   Kashmiri Pandits would  pray and mark their foreheads with Sindoor.
Similarly, Shiri Ram Bakshi, a great scholar of Indian history in one of his famous books, ‘Kashmir Valley and its Culture’ (1997) writes that the shrine of Kali had been converted into Khankah of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani or the Shah-e-Hamadan Masjid.  He writes that to this day, its custodians are exceptionally punctilious in cleaning and sweeping the floors of the spring situated within the Khankah. The Pandits, who were allotted a place outside the Khankah premises, continue to offer their worship to the goddess Kali to whom the spring was originally dedicated.

    Mother  Kali at Sopore Kashmir

While Kali Temple at Srinagar has been in focus on account of its being in the capital city, there are scores of such shrines in Kashmir where Kashmiri Pandits offered Puja on the earmarked portions of the walls of temples converted into mosques.  Similarly, a space of the size of a window existed at Shah-e-Hamdan mosque at Khankah Mohalla Sopore Kashmir on the banks of river Jhelum before the present massive structure of the mosque came up after 1990 and since no Kashmiri Pandit resides at Sopore at present, the whereabouts of the Hindu shrine of Kali Temple are not known.

Kashmir’s town of Astrology

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
By B. Revti
The origin of Kashmiri Panchang, variously called as “ Jantari’’ or “Neshpatra’’ dates back to antiquity.   Not only was Kashmir an important centre of spiritual learning but related schools of thought also found a fertile ground to grow. 
One such related school of thought that took birth in Kashmir delivered its world class tradition of astrology. 
Though Indians have had no love for historiography, the Bhrigu Samhita, the ultimate reference book of the discipline is the testimony to the tradition of predictive astrology being followed in India and incidentally Kashmir, which produced its first historian Kalhana, also makes mentions of   a brilliant tradition of astrology prevalent in Kashmir.

 Al-Biruni’s  Accounts

Even as there are other very important historical documents which testify to the continuity of this important tradition in Kashmir, the most important historic account by a foreigner Al-Biruni in his  book “Kitab-ul-Hind” raises this to  such an exalted level pertaining to Kashmir  that we cannot remain without mentioning some of the observations made  by this great historian:-
  “ I studied the Jantari of Shaka-la (modern Sialkot) pertaining to the year 951 AD. It has come from Kashmir. This Jantari says that Sapt Rishis are staying since many years in Anirudha Moon House which exists in three and one- third degree in the constellation and extends up to 16 and two- third degrees. Saptrishis are still one full `burj’ and 20 degrees forward……. This creates a sense of wonder and no doubt anybody who does not live among Hindus of Kashmir, cannot fathom the concepts and everything they have churned out.’’
  This statement of Al- Biruni testifies   to the fact that how much learned he himself was about the intricacies of astrology—a school of thought which reached its zenith in Kashmir where Jantris were compiled, formulated and despatched across lands. Kashmiri Panchangs were considered to be the most trustworthy astrological treatises.

Kashmir Panchang’s Gandhaar Connection

Noted Kashmiri scholar and historian, Moti Lal Saqi in his famous book “Aager Neb’’ mentions that `Jantari’’ as a unique product came out of Kashmir only and it is very difficult to accord a date to its origin. Saqi further while referring to Rajtarangni, mentions that it was King Meghwahana who brought and settled Brahmins from Gandhaar and elsewhere  in Kashmir’s Bijbehara town around 5th Century AD. It is possible that many astrologers accompanied these Brahmins where they institutionalized this important feature of Kashmir and thus Kashmiri Jantari continues to be named as “Vijeshwar Panchang’’ linked to Bijbehara town. Other notable names in this regard are of Swami Aftab Kak and Shri Kanth Jyotshi, besides others.
Kashmir’s Bijbehara continues to lay its claim on the World famous Panchangs—the Kashmiri Jantaris— although they are presently published from Jammu and elsewhere.  Pt Prem Nath Shastri, the great learned Pandit and social reformer did a yeoman’s service to make it available to all and sundry when he pioneered to get it printed for distribution on a large scale some decades back.
Non-Hindus of Kashmir as well as India and the World, also make a bee line for obtaining a copy of this almanac of dates and occasions, both auspicious and otherwise, for round the clock consultations. Sh Omkar Nath Shastri, who is  presently the publisher of Vijeshwar Panchang is on record to convey that the year 2024-25 will be 341st issue of the famed Panchang in continuity .

 

Can Kashmir produce another Santosh?

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Can Kashmir produce another Santosh?

By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat

Ghulam Rasool Santosh was Everything in Nothing— a painter, a mystic poet, a writer, a playwright a weaver, a calligrapher and above all a Kashmiri Shaivite.

Born in 1929 as Ghulam Rasool in a Kashmiri Muslim family at Chinkral Mohalla, Habba Kadal, he was forced to give up schooling after his father’s death and as a result took up several odd jobs like  silk weaving, signboard painting and white washing walls. Slowly, he returned to painting and joined the Progressive Arts Association in Kashmir started by Sayed Haider Raza who was then  mobilizing Kashmiri painters. In 1954, he won a scholarship to study Fine Arts under a celebrated Indian painter, N. S. Bendre in the city of Baroda, Gujarat.

Adding name of his wife Santosh to  personify the man- woman union

Around the same time, Ghulam Rasool did what was considered unusual and unacceptable in conservative Kashmiri society. He married his childhood Kashmiri  friend, Ms Santosh and assumed her name to become Ghulam Rasool Santosh.

Santosh was greatly influenced  by another one of Mother India’s most illustrious  painter— S. H Raza, whose Geometric Abstraction revolved  around a “Bindu’’ and the concept of  “Tantra’’. Santosh was thus influenced by concept of Shiv Darshana. His natural affinity to delve deep into Tantra paintings admittedly produced wonderful results. His paintings centered around the theme of dimensional circles, cubes, triangles and Santosh not only accorded an academic base to these paintings but also explored the hidden spiritual meanings and messages.

These themes  mainly revolved  around Shiv and Shakti and the inspiration  behind these was his utmost devotion for the Universal Mother  seated at Hari Parbat, known from the ancient  times as  `Predumana Peeth’’ or “ `Sharika Peeth’’.

Towards the end, his whole focus was on interpretation of `Shri Chakra’ and its spiritual significance but unfortunately, this could not fructify, as he along with lakhs of Kashmiris had to abandon his homeland.

 Considering the current situation, it is unlikely that another Santosh may emerge from Kashmir, as the very soul of Kashmir stands brutalised as on date. But since strange are the ways of the Divine, the seed may lie embedded to sprout in the womb of future.   

Santosh’s life and works

In early 1960s, Ghulam Rasool Santosh had studied Tantric (mystical) art and Kashmir Shaivism. In 1964, he adopted this style to create some of the best examples of modern Tantric paintings. His paintings are known for the vibrancy of colours, neat lines, spiritual energy and sensuousness. His paintings have been exhibited in notable international shows. Santosh also wrote plays, poetry and essays in Kashmiri. He was also an authority on Kashmir Shaivism, and was one of the very few people who could read and write the ancient, and almost-extinct, Kashmiri script called Sharda.

Santosh’s canvas represented a Projection of Shunya

According to a booklet  brought out by Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) , Santosh is quoted to have lived with the belief  that his canvas represented a projection of Shunya, the void which is incalculable in time and dimension, Anadi and Ananta {without beginning to end}. “The surrounding dark oceans in terms of which you describe the borders of my canvas are the ever unfathomable, unreachable of the fundamental unfathomable, infinite aspects of the fundamental creative force which lies beyond the pale of wisdom, thought and imagination. The canvas itself, therefore, is symbolic as it portrays the omnipresence of infinite in the finite. But space cannot be defined without a minimum of three directions or three lines, which formulate a triangle, which is Mula Trikona. The initial nature of all pervading creative force is Shabda Brahma, primordial sound which is ever and ceaselessly vibrant.”

In search of Inspiration at Amarnath Cave

In 1960, Santosh took a visit to the Amarnath cave in the hope finding inspiration to write an inter-faith romance. However, he came back with an experience of a philosophical tradition that would become the fulcrum of his thought process and embrace his inner sanctum. The 8th century tantric philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism became his leitmotif. He started studying Tantric Art -imagery and philosophy and created his own cosmic corollaries incorporating the cosmic egg form, the vertical symmetry, the ovoid shape as well as the phallic. This why he said: “My paintings are based on the male and female concept of Shiva and Shakti and therefore construed as tantra.”

 Kashmir Shaivism had influenced Santosh in terms of colours. It spoke of Prakash Vimarsha as it considered colour a form of light. Therefore, Santosh started treating colour as light. The orange colour in his paintings referenced a connection to tantra in the form of sindoor. Santosh had meditative practices, so deep was his understanding that his paintings reflected those powers of energy.
   Santosh had over 30 solo shows in India, U.S.A., Canada, Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore, besides exhibiting his paintings in national international group shows.

Honoured with Padma Shri by the President of India, he was also awarded the National Award twice and the Artist of the Year Award in New Delhi in 1984. His works belong to Museums all over the world.

Santosh as a mystic  poet

Many few people must be aware of the fact that apart from a painter, Santosh was also  a great mystic poet. He   wrote an important poem in 1963 `Do Rukh’ (twin faced) which employed the metaphor of one’s eyes being transplanted behind the skull. The poem was symbolic of liberating one’s thought process from the constraints of time, space or dimension on the one hand, and implying on the other than one may have left one’s destination behind.

Santosh at a Mushaira organised by All India Radio.

 Santosh loved reciting his poetry over Radio Kashmir. In 1972, he had participated in All India Poetic Symposium at New Delhi. In 1978, he received the Sahitya Akademi award for his collection of poems in Kashmiri, titled ‘Be suakh Ruh’ On  March 10, 1997,  Santosh left for heavenly abode— away from Kashmir, The same year, he was  awarded posthumously Doctorate of Literature (Litt.D.) by University of Jammu

 A Kashmiri Samavar in Shaheed Bhagat Singh’s house!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
 A Kashmiri Samavar in Shaheed Bhagat Singh’s house!

Kashmir Rechords Exclusive

A renovated old house at village Banga Khatkar Kalan some 40 kilometers from Jallandhar, Punjab  has assumed the status of no less than that of a shrine. This building which  has now been   renovated and  converted into a museum, has a unique  feature, as it  houses the items of daily use  belonging to   Shaheed Bhagat Singh. Apart from  iron buckets, utensils, brass glasses, thalis, manjas (Cots),  a charkha (spinning wheel) and a typewriter, there is a unique thing on the display….. That is a Kashmiri Samavar!
 Served as home to one of the greatest revolutionary and freedom fighter that India has produced, this ancient house on Nawanshahar Banga road has given identity to the rechristened District now known as Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar District. The unique feature of this house are the items of daily use which are displayed in cupboards in a manner they existed and were used in the then Punjab. 
 For Kashmiris especially Pandits and also Muslims, the visit instils a greater degree of pride and love for the Shaheed- e- Azam when they notice an exquisite Samavar made of pure brass adoring the cupboard meant for displaying the items. Interestingly, on its right side is kept a Black and White photograph of adolescent Bhagat Singh with a turban and coat as worn by North Indians during those days. Every Kashmiri can identify with this as our forefathers also put on the same outfit borne by old photographs if at all they happen to be in anyone’s possession.

 Brass Samavar makes Kashmiris nostalgic

The  Brass Samavar makes the Kashmiri culture come alive in this great house. Nostalgia also grips Kashmiri Pandits when they see this big kettle/tea pot rarely used outside Kashmir to be among the most important part of the heritage called Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh’s House.
   It also throws light on Shaheed- e-Azam’s thought process and the unique aspect of his personality which on one hand was tremendously aware of all the geo-political developments that were prevalent in the region, his love for freedom of India for which he executed the historical strategies and on the other hand Shaheed- e- Azam also possessed a tender heart that accorded a great appreciation to aesthetics, Punjab’s own culture and a great respect for cultures of other parts of India combined with a farsightedness unseen to this day.
There is, however, no known record about this Samavar on display in the museum. Infact, few years back, Punjab’s Tourism department had failed to provide full description of things preserved in the ancestral house of martyr Bhagat Singh at Khatkar Kalan. Former Tourism Minister, Navjot Singh Sidhu, during his visit on October 2, 2017 had directed the department to give full description of things preserved in the ancestral house. A detailed story was carried by Hindustan Times that month along with the photographs of some of the  rare items.   
In March 2016, when the renovation of the house was being done, the department had appealed to the public to hand over any belongings of the martyr or his family so that they could be preserved. The house, which was in dire need of renovation, was repaired by the department for the first time since 1984 when it was handed to the government by the village panchayat. Before that, the local panchayat used to take care of it. After the renovation, it was opened to the public and many things were kept in the house, but the department had failed to give any descriptions, including that of this  unique  Kashmiri Samavar on display.

== 

 

Laal Lakhman….Kashmir’s Formidable Humorist Poet

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
By: Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo

A great civilization like Kashmir must claim and reflect a long tradition of humor in its literature, folk tales, writings and way of life. It definitely lives up to its reputation of that statement.  However, the same is not to be equated with high decibel, vulgar and boisterous one that presently sells around us. Like elsewhere in India including in Kashmir this standard is the Rasa, as defined by Bharat Muni in “Natya Shastra”.

Kashmiri humor essentially is the joyful humor. Evidence to back that up exists in plenty. Nilmata being one such compendium, which includes this essential part of joy and mirth in the life of Kashmiris of yore. Unfortunately the period from thirteenth century onwards which has been full of upheavals and changing landscapes does not record any humor. Late Shri Som Nath Bhat Veer, a great researcher and author categorizes the above as “Weeping One” and it is here we see a shift from playfulness, joy and mirth to ‘Satire’. This artistic expression reached its zenith with experiments by Laal Lakhman in his loaded satirical poetry.

Of him it is said that he would instill fear if provoked or antagonized as he could extract satirical humor from any situation. People took great care not to offend him as he could roast anybody with his wit of a hornet’s bite of a satire.

   Dr. Baljinath Pandita, the great Shaivite scholar terms him second only to Kshemendra the great polymath of tenth century Kashmir as conveyed by late Som Nath Bhat Veer.

Laal Lakhman’s poetic expression 

 Laal Lakhman, the great poet was born in Tsavalgam, a small village nearly four kilometers from Kulgam. The acronym Lal is actually the name of his friend who as his colleague would accompany him on revenue collection missions of the government.

Lal Lakhman’s poetry was essentially aimed at reforming the ills of the society which highlighted the corrupt and immoral practices followed by shopkeepers, bread makers, government officials and members of public. Certain critiques however are of the opinion that his language may be considered crude and brass, nevertheless enjoying. An example of his poetical expression taking the situation of a brawl between two neighbors is given vent like below. :-

“Sona Jad te Dam Daessie….Gaanan Manz Ladith Aaessie

  Tiklen Kun gayakh faessie….Magh Maesie bozakh Na”

Translated into English, the expression invokes the plight of two families born to Jads and Dassis with golden spoons in their mouths, still they would enter into brawls in cowsheds. Their they were tied to pegs meant for cattle. Listen to this oh readers especially in the month of Magha.

It is said that one day he and his friend Jiya Lal went to see one Tota Ram in village Gudar. Somehow, Laal Lakhman did not enjoy the tea and as such sprouted the satire as follows:-

“Samavar osukh goshey… Tath oas variyuk koshey

Malayi kani traevith haay…… Chet e Toti Gudrenie chai”

‘The Samavar had remained uncleaned in a corner of the house and had gathered a full year’s tea dust……They substituted soot for cream. Enjoy dear friends Tota Gudri’s tea.

This illustrious son of Kashmir unfortunately had no children and is said to have met an uncelebrated and ignominious death in the later part of the previous century even though he was a phenomenon of sorts at one point of time.

There is almost negligible record available in public domain regarding life and works of Laal Lakhman. Except for a small video by Sh M K Raina of Project Zaan, no research work has been conducted on the poetry of this son of the soil. Sh Raina, however, mentions about Laal Lakhman’s famous poem  gàdû dêgùl.

Arjun Dev Majboor had also authored a research paper on Lala Lakshman some five decades ago.

Gwasha Lal Kaul: Kashmir’s prominent Journalist of pre-Independent era

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Gwasha Lal Kaul: Kashmir’s prominent Journalist of pre-Independent era

Gwasha Lal Kaul was one of the most bold and prominent Journalist Kashmir has ever produced. Besides a historian, he used to publish “The Kashmir Chronicle’’ from Srinagar before 1947, which he had founded in 1939. Kaul, during the same period, was also the President of Kashmir Journalists Association and the founding Editor of “The Kashmir Times (1934) besides a correspondent for A.P.I. and Reuters in 1931.

The Kashmir Chronicle of July 16, 1947

Gwash Lal Kaul

Kashmir Rechords is producing one of the scanned copies of this preserved newspaper, published on July 16, 1947.The newspaper carries an interesting write-up on the right corner of its front page under the heading “Kashmir on Horns of a Dilemma”, with Delhi (July 13 dateline).  Remember, on July 16, 1947, Kashmir had neither decided to accede to India nor to Pakistan on the day of publication of this news item—hence the dilemma!

 As per the available records, during   the period from 1945 to 1947, the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir was publishing 60 newspapers/weeklies/journals, mostly in Urdu and English from Srinagar, Jammu, Mirpur and Muzaffarabad. The Kashmir Chronicle was one of those prominent papers.

According to the noted broadcaster, Peerzada Abdal Mehjoor, this Editor was popularly known as Gwasha Lal (B.A)……for he had completed his graduation in 1927, which was uncommon during those days! More than his journalism capabilities, he was equally    recognised as a prominent historian.

 Gwasha Lal Kaul’s history book titled “Kashmir now and Then’’ used to be an authentic reference book. The Book was once a part of Kashmir curriculum.  Dr Karan Singh wrote its foreword. It is, however, unknown as to why the book was dropped in every seventies.

  Abdal remembers Gwasha Lal Kaul as a close friend of his father, Ibn Mehjoor, Both had established an NGO “Kashmir Historical Society “. Dr Abdul Ahad was also its founder member.

 Abdal   has seen Gwasha Lal very minutely, discussing Kashmir affairs with his father. “Though physically weak, Gwasha Lal was brave with a lion’s heart and tremendously outspoken’’.  That is evident from his writings, as he was not sparing even Maharaja’s administration while highlighting the plight of common masses.

  Pt. Lok Nath Kaul of Srinagar remembers Gwasha Lal Kaul as being nicknamed as “Gwasha Thackery’’. His references to and quotations from William M. Thackery in most of his conversations with friends and foes had earned him this nickname!

 Gwasha Lal Kaul’s professional Journey

1923-1928: Press Representative

1925: President Postmen’s Union.

1928: President ‘Kashmir Youngman’s Club’.

1931: Correspondent A.P.I. and Reuters.

1932: Editor ‘Daily Martand”.

1933: Vice-President S. D. Youngmen’s Association (Yuvak Sabha), Kashmir.

1934: Founder and Editor ‘The Kashmir Times’.

1939: Founder and Editor “The Kashmir Chronicle.

1947: President ‘Kashmir Journalists Association’.

1948: Director of News, Radio Kashmir.

1949: Information Officer, Jammu.

1950: Information Officer, Kashmir.

1960: Back to Journalism.

Kashmir’s silk route

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Kashmir’s silk route

Kashmir with great geo-strategic significance, connecting Indian sub-continent with Central Asia and rest of the world, since ancient times, has   served as an economic corridor between South and Central Asia. The three principal highways were facilitating such connections, leading to Khorasan, India and Tibet. The Zojila (11,300 feet.) Pass has been since ages, an important thoroughfare, connecting Kashmir with Ladakh and with Tibet, Turkistan and China. The movement on this Pass used to  continue from June to November every year, though top of Zojila remained under snow until end of June.

The Silk Road used to be a major trading route in the first millennium B.C.  It connected the kingdom of Kamboja, which is now Afghanistan and Tajikistan, to cities and cultural centers in northern India. The Silk Road extended approximately 6,437 kilometers (4,000 miles) across some of the world’s most formidable landscapes.

  Although, the route was not more secure than others, however, it was considered the  chief trade route, known as silk route between Kashmir and Central Asia. This Pass gave a unique commercial importance to the erstwhile state as it  was traversed by moving traders  for transportation of goods over Kashmir and onwards into Kargil, Leh and Central Asia.

Like Kashmir, the passes of Ladakh are equally  famous. Categorized into three groups, one among them was the Tibetan Route or Leh-Demchak (Tibet) route, the main communication link between Leh and Tibet, connecting Leh with the Tibetan city of Lhasa. Here, traders had choice depending on the city of destination.

The Karakoram Pass was another  important  route into Central Asia and a regular means of communication between India and Turkestan.

From Kar-kil to Kargil

In addition, one of the important trans-Kashmir outlets through Zojila was Kargil-Iskardu-Gilgit link road. Kargil was  equidistant from Kashmir, Baltistan and Ladakh— hence, its ancient name—Kar-kil meaning equal distance, which later on transformed into Kargil.   Gilgit was equally an important  trade link between Kashmir and India on one side  and Xinjiang China and Central Asia on the other. 

Kashmir has maintained commercial and cultural relations with South and Central Asia through these links since ancient times, and served as a trading belt  that connected multiple geographic areas. The merchant community that conducted trade between India and Central Asia across Kashmir, was broadly fragmented into two groups, the ‘Andijanese’ or ‘Kashmiris’ and Afghans. Andijanese would traded at Kashgar, which in first quarter of the 19th century, was a bigger city than Yarkand, wherefrom Afghan traders used to operate. (Cambridge history of China. Vol X p 83). The Andijanese also operated at Kokand, Tashkent and Bukhara though their role was considerably smaller at Tibet, Ladakh, Baltistan and  Yarkand .

  Since Kashmir bordered closely with Central Asia, its capital city, Srinagar, was the hub of trading activity for the Turkish, Tibetan, Ladakhi, Balti  and Kashmiri merchants. These traders had rest houses as well as religious Shrines in Kashmir. Cambridge history of China. Vol X).

The erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed special status in the Indian subcontinent as it offered a direct land access of India to Turkestan, Yarkand, Khotan, and facilitated free movement of diverse goods, merchants, explorers, spies and soldiers across different routes criss-crossing Kashmir. However, the Partition of Indian sub-continent in 1947, emergence of India and Pakistan and the sequential wars between them in 1965 and  1971 on Jammu & Kashmir led to the permanent  closure of traditional trans-Ladakh and trans-Gilgit land routes.

Some  books about the Silk Route

  • `India and the Silk Roads’ by Jagjeet Lally
  • `Silk Route Expedition, Phase III: Leh-Chushul’, written by the University of Kashmir’s Centre of Central Asian Studies.
  • `Kashmir and Kashghar: A Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy to Kashghar (1873-74)’
  • `Buddhism on the Silk Route’

Abdul Rehman—Kashmir’s Hakim of Shri Bhatt’s progeny

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Abdul Rehman—Kashmir’s Hakim of Shri Bhatt’s progeny

Kashmiris of yore (it is hoped that plenty still exist) would be very familiar with the word “Hakim’’, the traditional physician who ran the predominant private  and parallel health system of Kashmir actively even up to 1970s, after which we notice a declining trend in people’s attitudes towards acceptance of their  traditional line of treatment.

   These Hakims would in the eyes of common Kashmiris possess  “Daste-e-Shifa’’. Translated into English, it means the curing hand. These Hakims were believed to possess legendry powers and the patients on their deathbeds are reported to have reverted to life by their able hands and talents, something bestowed on them by God Almighty.

During the late 1940s, like so many Europeans, many a traveler took keen interest in Kashmir and began to write new travelogues which paved the way to add information and value to the already existing ones  regarding the land of Kashmir and its people.

  An Encounter with Hakim Abdul Rehman

In his tremendously famous book “This is Kashmir’’  published by Messrs Cassel and Company Limited, Queen Victoria Street London (1954), the author of the book Pearce Gervis  refers to  a very interesting encounter  with a Kashmiri Hakim Abdul Rehman. In fact, Mr. Gervis got introduced to our Hakim Saheb through one Colonel about whose nationality,  the author makes no mention.

       This Colonel   reposed such faith in the Hakim, that he insisted Abdul Rehman be included as a person of interest in Mr. Gervis’ travelogue.

So, Pearce Gervis writes about the Hakim—Abdul Rehman: “ He wore the voluminous effeminate gown….. On his head was an enormous spotless white turban so big that I might have taken him for a Hindu, had the `Tika’ mark not been present on his forehead.’’

Gervis was made to meet the Hakim through a jumble of intersecting lanes and by-lanes, crisscrossing shabby clusters of huts and was assured into a large hall of a very big house where everybody would be seated cross-legged beside small low-level tables. The walls of this room where   adored with Mughal era paintings and this would serve as a big consultation room. The same was proportionally partitioned by curtains to separate the consulting room and the dispensary.

 The Colonel confessed that he was indebted to the Hakim Saheb. Some 20 years before (which roughly comes to somewhat late 1930s), this Colonel had actually developed appendicitis. While the doctors had recommended   a surgical procedure,  he had avoided himself coming under the surgical knife. He was advised to give a vague try with “Dast-e-Shifa” of our Hakim. So, the services of Abdul Rehman were sought who in his very graceful and humble manner brought  a bottle of Kashmiri medicine  along with him. Next day, when the doctors in the Military Hospital examined the Colonel, he was declared to have been cured of his medical condition, which was naturally, a thing of wonder!

    Mr. Gervis writes that when he brought-up the issue of Colonel’s medical condition  before  Abdul Rehman, he not only  testified the same but also claimed   to be the descendant of the same Yogi who had cured  King Zain-ul-Abedin—the Budshah .So much so for Shri Bhatt’s progeny!

Who is who of ghosts and spirits in Kashmir?

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Who is who of ghosts and spirits in Kashmir?
By Kanwal Krishan Lidhoo

Almost anywhere, usage of certain words pertaining to ghosts and spirits springs up unconsciously in our daily conversation. Many may not know much about them now, thus, let us revisit and try to understand  the who is who of these ghosts and spirits in Kashmir.

1.The Jins ( Variously called dgins, Jenie, elves, Devv, Drethaakh, Tasrup etc.) They seem to belong to all sexes and have the power to cast spells of evil and capture the victim subjecting him or her to  infinite torture.

2. Yechh is supposed to be one of the aboriginal inhabitants of Kashmir, whose characteristic seems to be that of a heathen.  Yechh also has a co-relation with trans-Himalayan diety `Yaksha’.

3.Divath is believed to be the inhabitant of houses. “Wachya Divath’’ is  still uttered  in Kashmir by one and all, irrespective of religious or other affiliations  to curse somebody to deprive  him or her  the protection of peace and calm, incur losses of all kinds and to get indulged in domestic troubles. It is supposed to mean that one has lost the protection of devtas as some unwanted action on part of the individual may have offended them.

4.Brahm Brahm Chouk belongs to the category of Tasrup. Adolescent boys and girls along with weak and disease-prone individuals come under its spell near Numbals (marshy lands), cremation grounds and graveyards.

5.Whoph Whoph…. When some Kashmiris used to pass by an old dilapidated house, they were often reported to have been held captive by the evil spirits dwelling there. Whoph is thus a term associated with the spirits of these barking dogs and snarling cats.

6.Mushraan is a kind of spirit that appears in a very wretched and dirty countenance of an old fat heathen who pounces upon a victim by giving it a big tight hug and starting a process of decline, disease and wastage of the body of the individual and his resources. 

7.Daen or Dyn belongs to the same category of evil spirits as has been known in other parts of the sub-continent.

8. Raantas is the exclusive daen of Kashmir who also finds mention in Afghani, Iranian and Turkish folklore where it is known as `Aal, and Goul’. Its feet are reversed and its eyes exist alongside its nose only.

9.Rih is an undefined female who employs the technique of casting a spell to capture a man with an intention of eating him!

 10. Parish is a very beautiful female, perhaps also known as Pari. Its body is supposed to be made of four elements only with the predominance of the fire element and naturally, it is supposed to devour its victim by consummation of fire or make the victim  unbelievably restless.

Ghosts, spirits are  part of Kashmir language, folklore

Presently belonging to the age of reason which we proudly own as a statement of existence—all this may sound irrational and superstitious  but the same continues to be  an important part of language and folklore of Kashmir.

Kashmir Rechords has compiled this list after an exhaustive and  detailed research on the folklore of Kashmir.  Special mention may be made  about  a very rare book “Keys to Kashmir’’. Author unknown, Lala Rukh Publications, Srinagar, 1953, incorporating an extract of  Vigney Godfrey Thomas’ 1848 AD edition titled “Travels in Kashmir, Ladakh, Iskardu’. 

 We also urge our esteemed readers to share and help us in adding whatever information they have at their disposal regarding the subject.

Monumental Chronology of Hindu rulers and dynasties of Kashmir.

Kashmir Rechords
-
0

(A necessary reference material)

First Period

Second & Third Period

Fourth & Fifth Period

This meticulously compiled chronological Table of ancient Kashmiri Kings and dynasties (Preserved by Kashmir Rechords) is an extract from the brilliantly researched Book `The Hindu History of Kashmir’ written by H H Wilson ( 1960 edition).

As against 372 in J&K, PoK has just four newspapers!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
As against 372 in J&K, PoK has just four newspapers!

Tight controls on freedom of expression have been a hallmark of the Pakistani government’s policy in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK). While militant organizations are being given full coverage to propagate their views and disseminate literature, those critical of the Pakistani and PoK government, are facing repression.

The Pakistani government has long limited dissemination of news in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.  That is evident from the fact that there is no locally based news agency. In addition, PoK has just two dailies and equal number of weeklies, being published locally. As compared to PoK, newspapers published from Jammu and Srinagar cities on daily basis are more than 370!  

 Pakistan Occupied Kashmir has no English newspaper of its own, either published from Muzaffarabad or Mirpur—the two major cities of the occupied territory. Ironically, PoK websites show newspapers like Kashmir Times, Greater Kashmir, Kashmir Reader, Kashmir Observer etc. ( all published from Srinagar), as their publications!  

Pakistan’s “Kashmir Affairs Ministry” denies permission to PoK newspapers

 People living in PoK largely rely on local editions of Pakistani newspapers for news and information.   In order to publish within the territory of PoK, newspapers and periodicals need to be granted permission by the Kashmir Council and the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. These bodies unlikely grant permission to any proposed publication, which are sympathetic to any discourse on Kashmir and its affairs other than that sanctioned by the Pakistani government.  The same rules apply to the publication of books. Members of the press have been complained of the intrusive and coercive policies of the PoK government particularly of the ISI and the Pakistani military.

There have been many instances in PoK when journalists, who did not toe to Government or Army line, were  subjected to severe kind of torture. Waheed Kiyani, a local journalist working for the Reuters news agency, was once arbitrarily arrested by the ISI when he was returning from the city of Rawlakote after covering a political meeting.

Book on Mangla Dam banned

The PoK `government’ regularly bans books that it considers to be prejudicial to the “ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan.” This includes all books that propagate or discuss Kashmiri nationalist discourse with its emphasis on “independence for a united Kashmir’’ or merger with India.    

 Muhammad Saeed Asad, a self-described `Kashmiri nationalist’, living in PoK, has authored numerous books on Kashmir Affairs.  Employed as a Social Welfare Officer in PoK, he was, however, suspended in 2002 for writing a book on the Mangla Dam that had  questioned Pakistan’s right to water sources originating in Kashmir.

  Pakistan has banned three books written by Saeed Asad for being “anti-state and an attempt to promote nationalist feelings amongst Kashmiris.”  These include Shaur-e-Farda, banned in 1996, which comprises letters written by Maqbool Butt to his friends and relatives over a span of two decades. Saeed Asad’s book on the Mangla Dam controversy was banned on November 21, 2002, and a book on the Northern Areas was banned in June 2004.

 The government of Pakistan is on the other hand willing to fund books and propaganda to the tune of millions of rupees to propagate its own views and stance. People of PoK are forced to listen to   “Azad Kashmir’’ Radio, a subsidiary of the state-controlled Radio Pakistan that is mandated to spread canards against India and Indian State. 

 Official repression of freedom of expression is not limited to controls and censorship specific to Kashmiri nationalists and journalists. Even local public, if they raise anti-Government voice or try to register their anger, are subjected to harshest punishments and troubles.

 In spite of imposing a media blackout, social media is abuzz with videos of angry protesters denouncing Islamabad’s step-motherly treatment of PoK as well as heartrending visuals of people scrambling to get hold of a bag of flour!

Malika Pukhraj—-Jammu Wali!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Malika Pukhraj—-Jammu Wali!

The gifted singer whose musical voice echoed the earthly sounds of melody and became synonym with Dogra ethos, Malika Pukhraj (Jammu Wali), will always remain inextricable part of modern Dogra lore as well as the shared legacy of the sub-continent.

  Born in 1912, in village Mirpur near Akhnoor, Jammu, Malika Pukhraj needs no introduction! Her journey from Akhnoor to Kanak Mandi, Jammu to Lahore is itself very interesting! Kashmir Rechords is reproducing two  of her rarest  photographs to bring home the fact that she is, what she used to sing, “ Abhi to Mein Jawan Hoon’’— both in everyone’s thoughts and pictures”.

  Jammu Wali Malika Pukhraj had an opportunity  to sing during the coronation ceremony of Maharaja Hari Singh as she was bestowed with the honour of being a court singer at the young age of nine. However, her childish act (laughing in Maharaja’s darbar) was the turning point in her life, as the same was viewed as contempt, recalls noted journalist, Lalit Gupta in one of his writeups.

Journey from Jammu to Lahore

According to Gupta,  due to  some court intrigues, she had to leave Jammu for good at a very young age. At Lahore, she associated herself with All India Radio, Lahore, where she was every time addressed as “Malika Pukhraj Jammu Wali’’. The pictures produced by Kashmir Rechords dates back to January 1940. Pukhraj must have been 28 at that time!

   After partition, Malika Pukhraj lived in old Lahore City where she was  married to  Shabbir Husain Shah, a Government Officer. She had six children.  He daughter– Tahira Syed, having learnt singing under her mother’s strict discipline, also turned out to be a well-known Pakistani singer. Continuing in her style, Tahira  re-sung many of her mother’s famous songs, including her Dogri songs.

   Malika Pukhraj had visited Jammu for the last time in 1988 along with her daughter Tahira.

 

 

All India Radio’s Legend of Voice

In recognition of her contribution to music, she received Pakistan’s Presidential Pride of Performance Award in 1980. But before that, in 1977, All India Radio had awarded her with the ‘Legend of Voice’ award.

   Malika Pukhraj died at Islamabad on February 4, 2004, at the age of 90, but her Dogri songs, “nazm” recitations and ghazal renditions live on. She is remembered in the Jammu as a cultural icon and Lahore is still nostalgic with the resonance of her gayaki.

 On the top of it—- She was always addressed as “Malika Pukhraj—-Jammu Wali!’’

Shyama Zutshi—the first Kashmiri heroine who had joined Bollywood!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Shyama Zutshi—the first Kashmiri heroine who had joined Bollywood!

By: B Revti

Shyama Zutshi (1910-1953) and Zaira Wasim (born 23 October 2000) have something in common to share. While Shyama Zutshi was the first Kashmiri girl who joined Hindi films in 1934, Zaira Wasim is perhaps the last from the same cultural background/lineage.
 Both Shyama and Zaira have remained quite successful and sought after stars but suddenly moved out from films for nearly identical reasons. Shyama Zutshi is believed to have quit films as her fellow Kashmiri Actor, Chander Mohan Wattal used to tell her always to quit acting as the same was “not meant for Kashmiri girls’’.  As per some of the statements of  Zaira Wasim, Bollywood industry had  “conflicted with her religious identity and beliefs’’.

Shyama Zutshi: An  actor, freedom fighter

 Shyama Zutshi, a Kashmiri pandit, born at Anand Bhawan, Allahabad,  after passing her BA examination, had joined Hindi cinema.  She had acted in films like Shiv Bhakti (1934), Majnu (1935), Kaarwaan- e- Hayaat (1935) and Khooni Jadugar (1939) and had remained a prominent artist on the panel of All India Radio, Delhi. Her father, Ladli Prasad Zutshi was a freedom fighter.   Shyama was admitted to Sacred Heart Convent, Lahore by her mother Lado Rani. Fluent in English, Gujarati, Marathi, Urdu, Kashmiri and Hindi, Shyama Zutshi  was also proficient in horse riding and  singing.

Her major hit was Karwan-E-Hayat (1935) in which she acted with K. L. Saigal, T. R. Rajakumari, Pahari Sanyal, and Rattan Bai.  She became a very successful actor, but with the influence from her elder sister Manmohini, she moved out from films and focused on politics and freedom struggle. Another reason for Shyama Zutshi to quit films was the advice from a fellow Kashmiri actor Chander Mohan Wattal who was a close friend of Zutshi family. Later, Shyama became a Women Congress leader and a frontline freedom fighter influenced by Mahatama  Gandhi‘s non-violent struggle along with her mother and three sisters (Chandra Kumari, Manmohini and Janak) . After some time Lado Rani arranged the marriage of Shyama in a well off Chopra family.

Shyama’s father, Ladli Prasad Zutshi was a prominent lawyer in Lahore and was the nephew of Pandit Motilal Nehru. Lado Rani infused the light of patriotism in her daughters by participating in the freedom movement.

Kashmiri actresses Yashodhara  Kathju and Zaira Wasim



Once Shyama Zutshi was out, another girl namely Yashodhara Kathju (niece of Pandit Nehru) was next in line of Kashmiri Pandit girls to join the Indian Film Industry. Chander Mohan Wattal tried to ensure that Yashodara alsoleaves the films but this girl was tough. She ignored all requests from Chander Mohan. Yashodhara Kathju acted in many films from 1942 to 1960. Chnderlekha (1948) and Talaaq (1958) were her milestone films. She married a Navy officer Suraj Prakash Chopra and lived a very unnoticed quiet life. The other Kashmiri girl of modern times and National Award-winning actor, Zaira Wasim announced her “disassociation” from the field of acting in 2019. Since then, she has often shared posts on social media in support of her religion

Constitutional Structure of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Constitutional Structure of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir

By: teawithrev

Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) has its own `constitution’, the so-called “Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act of 1974’’, and a locally chosen parliamentary form of government. This sort of constitution allows for many of the structures that comprise a self-governing state, including a legislative assembly `elected’ through periodic elections, a `Prime Minister’ who commands the majority in the assembly, an indirectly elected president, an `independent’ judiciary, and local government institutions.

But these provisions are all hollow. Under Section 56 of  PoK’s `Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act’ (which was drafted by the Federal Ministries of Law and Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad), the Pakistani government can dismiss any elected government in PoK  irrespective of the support it may enjoy in Muzaffarabad  Legislative Assembly. The Interim Constitution Act provides for two executive forums—the “Azad Kashmir Government’’ in Muzaffarabad and the “Azad Kashmir Council’’ in Islamabad.

PoK remains for all intents, purposes under Pakistan’s control

The latter body, presided over by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, exercises paramount authority over the PoK Legislative Assembly, which cannot challenge decisions of the Council. The Council is under the numerical control of the federal government in Islamabad, as in addition to the Pakistani Prime Minister it comprises six other federal ministers, the minister of Kashmir Affairs as the ex-officio member, the `Prime Minister’ of PoK, and six PoK members `elected by the Legislative Assembly’. The interim Constitution Act lists fifty-two subjects—virtually everything of any importance—that are under the jurisdiction of the PoK Council, which has been described as the “supra power” by PoK  High Court. Its decisions are final and not subject to judicial review.

Thus, PoK remains for all intents and purposes under Pakistan’s strict control, exercising no real sovereignty of its own. From the outset, the institutional set up in the territory was designed to ensure Pakistan’s control of the area’s affairs. According to the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) resolutions, PoK is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a “local authority” with responsibility over the area assigned to it under the Ceasefire Agreement. 

   Karachi Pact of 1948

  The “local authority” or provisional government of PoK, established in October 1947 was handed over to Pakistan under the Karachi Agreement of April 28, 1949. Under this pact,  matters related to defense, foreign affairs, negotiations with the UNCIP and coordination of all affairs relating to Gilgit and Baltistan (strategically important territories that now comprise Pakistan’s “Northern Areas” but are claimed by India as part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir), were handed over to Pakistan. 

The `Constitution’ of PoK poses major impediments towards genuine democracy as it bars all those parties and individuals from participating in the political process who do not support the idea of Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan and hence precludes all those who are in favor of PoK’s independence from Pakistan .

 PoK `PMs’—replaced, dismissed, arrested

Power in PoK is exercised primarily through the Pakistani army’s General Headquarters in Rawalpindi and its corps commander based in the hill station of Murree, two hours by road from Muzaffarabad. During  the rule of Pakistan’s first military leader, Ayub Khan (1958-68), President K.H. Khurshid of PoK was forced to resign by a mid-level police official and later jailed in Palandari and Dalai Camp. During Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government (1972-77), another president of PoK Sardar Qayyum, was suddenly arrested by a mid-level official of the Federal Security Forces in Muzaffarabad and subsequently dismissed. During General Zia-ul-Haq’s government (1977-88), Brig. Hayat Khan was appointed administrator PoK, a post he held for seven years. When a civilian government was reestablished in Pakistan in 1988, Benazir Bhutto’s swearing in as Prime Minister was shortly followed by the installation of an `elected government’ of Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party in PoK. When Bhutto was sacked by the president in 1990, PoK `Prime Minister’ Mumtaz Rathore was “escorted” to Islamabad in a helicopter and made to sign a letter of resignation. 

Regarding PoK’s political party landscape, since the early 1990s real decision-making authority and the management of the “Kashmir struggle” has rested firmly with the Pakistani military through the ISI and ISI-backed militant organizations. The Pakistani bureaucracy is the real administrative power, the ISI and the Pakistan army exercise coercive power.  And under the constitution, the elected representatives are subservient to the Kashmir Council controlled by Pakistan. High Court and Supreme Court Judges can only be appointed by approval of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. The Minister of Kashmir Affairs can dismiss the PoK’s `PM’, as can the Chief Secretary—another Islamabad appointee. Under Article 56, the President of Pakistan can dissolve the Legislative Assembly. Surely, this is truly a unique form of `self-rule’.

A Kashmiri Pandit who gave Mohd Rafi to the World of Music

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
A Kashmiri Pandit who gave Mohd Rafi to the World of Music

 

Singer Mohammed Rafi, (24 December 1924 – 31 July 1980) needs no introduction. His melodious songs speak about him and his personality! But how many of you know that Rafi, nicknamed as Pheeku, was introduced and groomed to world of music by a Kashmiri Pandit?

Yes,….that is indelible   part of Rafi’s life and singing that most of us do not know. It was Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo, who had traced and groomed Rafi Saheb!

Who was Pt. Jeevan Lal Matoo?  

Jeevan Lal Matoo belonged to a pre- Partition family of Kashmiri Pandits settled in Amritsar. A musicologist of the sub-continent, Matoo is known for his two outstanding students— Mohd Rafi and Sitar Maestro Mehmud Mirza. Pt  Jeevan Lal’s ancestor—- Pandit Mehta Ram Matoo , a shawl trader , had actually moved to Amritsar  city from Kashmir around nineteenth century. One of the members of Matoo family (Kashmiri Lal Matoo) had even donated about one kanal of land inside walled city of Amritsar (Present location Farid Chowk) in 1908 AD for construction of a community centre and a Shiva Temple, now known as Shivala Kashmiri Panditan.

 Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo, a vocalist, had a profound knowledge of classical music and was associated with All India Radio (AIR). He had also set-up a community gathering at Shivala Kashmiri Panditan Lahore in Mohalla Sareen area of the city. This community centre for Kashmiri Pandits in Lahore was constructed by Raja Dina Nath Madan, the then Finance Minister in the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore.

 Alas! The partition of the country proved to be a great setback for this music genius. He had to migrate to Delhi as a refugee from Lahore, where he joined Delhi Station of AIR. In Delhi, he founded Radio’s first National Orchestra called Akashvani Vadya Vrinda, which was later taken over by Sitar Maestro, Pandit Ravi Shanker who too had joined AIR, New Delhi as Music Director in 1950. Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo lived in the Independent India’s National Capital unnoticed. In India, he had tried to devote his time and energy to music only .However, he always missed his Lahore. Away from his Lahore, he always felt like in exile at Delhi!

Pt.   Jeevan Lal Matoo, who served at AIR, Lahore from 1937 to 1947 and headed the music section, had secretly recorded a live radio broadcast of Khayal and Thumri rendering by Ustad Abdul Waheed Khan in 1947.  Music lovers, the world over, remain indebted to this Kashmir legend for these recordings. The purpose for these secret recordings was to please Ustad Waheed Khan, who incidentally happened to be a Guru of Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo. Matoo was himself a great exponent of Kirana Gharana and had profound knowledge of Punjabi folk and Indian classical music.

Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo was married to Roopwanti Bakaya, daughter of Niranjan Nath Bakaya. Roopwanti died in New Delhi in 1973. Apart from Jawahar Matoo, Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo had another son –Moti Lal Matoo (1927 -2009) who had settled in Canada. Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo was closely related to the family of Justice Ram Narain Dar of Lahore. Kishen Narain Dar, son of Justice Ram Narain Dar served as superintendent of Police J&K, during the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh.

Pt Jeevan Lal’s contribution for All India Radio, Lahore

For AIR, Lahore, Jeevan Lal Matoo brought some noted Punjabi singers— Noor Jahan, Zeenat Begum, Ali Baksh Zahoor, S Mohinder, Assa Singh Mastaana, Vidya Nath Seth, Surinder Kaur, Prakash Kaur and Shiv Dayal Batish as contractual artists. Malika Pukhraj was already well known to him, as she was an approved singer of AIR, Lahore. Film music composers— Amar Nath, Gobind Ram and Dhani Ram were influenced by the music of Pandit Jeewan Lal Matoo. Noted Sitar player Mahmud Mirza was a direct disciple of Pandit Ji. Mohammad Rafi and Mehmud Mirza never forgot Jeevan Lal Matoo. Both would pay glowing tributes to their Guru both in private and public lives.  Kartar Singh Duggal, well-known Punjabi writer, who also worked at AIR, Peshawar before Partition, would often say that everyone who rose to become someone in the music world during the early forties in undivided Punjab found himself indebted to Pandit Jeewan Lal Matoo of AIR, Lahore.

Discovering Mohammad Rafi

It was both destined and a chance for both Pt Jeevan Lal Matoo and Mohammad Rafi to meet each other! In 1943, Pt Jeewan Lal Matoo is reported to have gone out of his residence for a haircut at a barber’s shop in Lahore where a new helper (nickname Pheeku—Mohammad Rafi) to the main barber was singing Waris Shah’s `Heer’ in his style.  Jeewan Lal Matoo was attracted to the voice quality of the boy whom he invited to AIR, Lahore for audition. The young Rafi cleared the audition in one go. So much was Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo impressed by the tonal quality of Rafi that he imparted some basic knowledge of classical music to the prospective singer at his residence.

The boy picked up very fast and was soon in the panel of approved artists of AIR, Lahore. Later, Matoo sent Rafi to Ustad Abdul Waheed Khan for regular training. This new singing sensation introduced by Pandit Jeevan Lal Matoo was soon noticed by Lahore’s film Music Director, Shyam Sunder for his new film ‘Gul Baloch’. After Jeevan Lal Matoo’s help and training, this casual helper Pheeku at the Lahore saloon, who later moved to Mumbai, rose to unprecedented heights in the Indian film Industry to be known as Mohammad Rafi, the great singer!

People of PoK are culturally closer to Dogras, Punjabis

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
People of PoK are culturally closer to Dogras, Punjabis

Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), which is a part of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, is 13,297 square kilometers in area and is divided into Muzaffarabad and Mirpur divisions. Political map of India also mentions Muzaffarabad and Mirpur as two districts of J&K. However, `authorities’ illegally controlling PoK since 1947, have further subdivided the region into eight administrative districts. These include Muzaffarabad, Neelum, Bagh, Poonch, and Sudhnutti districts of Muzaffarabad division and Mirpur, Kotli, and Bhimber districts of Mirpur district.

Muzaffarabad city is the `territory’s capital’. The population density is 246 persons per square kilometer, while as the literacy rate 60 percent which is higher than in Pakistan.

 People of PoK are almost entirely Muslim. However, Islam or its sects are not the principal arbiters of identity in the region. The people comprise not only diverse tribal clans (biradari) but are culturally and linguistically markedly different from the Kashmiris of the central valley of Jammu and Kashmir. Cultural practice in PoK has more in common with Dogras and Punjabis than with the Kashmir valley.

Gujjaras, Mirpuri Jats, Rajputs of PoK

The illegally occupied territory is far from ethnically homogenous. The biradari is the overriding determinant of identity and power relationships within the socio-political landscape.  While the Gujjars, numbering close to eight hundred thousand, are possibly the largest such group, historically the two most influential biradaris have been the Sudhans from the southeast (concentrated in Bagh district and Rawalakot subdivision of Poonch district) and the Rajputs who are spread out across the territory. Sudhans and Rajputs number, respectively, a little over and a little under half a million.  Almost all of PoK’a politicians and leaders come from one of these two groups.

 PoK is also home to approximately three hundred thousand Mirpuri Jats hailing from the southern part of the territory. Though the Mirpuris are the closest geographical and cultural relatives of the Potohari Punjabis, in recent decades they have chosen to define themselves increasingly as Kashmiris. Mirpuris have migrated to the United Kingdom (U.K.) in large numbers and constitute the overwhelming “Kashmiri presence” in that country. There are also a number of other small tribes and sub-tribes.

     PoK has its own `Supreme Court’

Pakistan occupied Kashmir  has a `parliamentary form of government’. The `president’ of PoK is the `constitutional’ head of the state, while the `Prime Minister’, supported by a `council of Minister’s, is the `chief executive’. PoK  has its own self-styled  `Supreme Court, High Court, and Legislative Assembly’ comprising forty-nine members, of whom forty-one are directly elected and eight are indirectly elected—the latter comprise a member each from the technocrats, scholars, and overseas Kashmiris, and five women. Under the current constitutional dispensation, twelve of the forty-eight seats in the Legislative Assembly are reserved for `Kashmiri refugees’ settled across Pakistan. Union Territory of J&K, has on the other hand, kept 24 Assembly seats reserved for people of PoK. The areas  also has a multi-tiered system of local governance. All key administrative offices are, however,  manned by Pakistani officials.

Economic exploitation of PoK

Like other parts of J&K, PoK is also rich with scenic beauty and natural resources.  It has many rivers, lakes and streams flowing through it. But this water has been a continuing source of political tension between Kashmiris and Pakistan. The Mangla Dam project, which affects the waters of the Jhelum and Poonch rivers before they flow into Punjab in Pakistan, is a matter of concern as residents of PoK feel that Pakistan has been economically exploiting them.

Was harmonium once`untouchable’ in All India Radio !

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Was harmonium once`untouchable’ in All India Radio !
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Once upon a time, precisely in 1915, India was a leading producer of the harmonium! Yet, a quarter-century later, it became `untouchable’, so much so that All India Radio ( later  called Akashvani)  had to ban it in 1940 and the instrument,  with a formal burial, was removed from all of its studious located in undivided India

John Foulds, who headed the Western music wing of All India Radio during its earlier days, believed the harmonium was mute on microtones that were so essential to Indian classical. Lionel Fielden, India’s first broadcasting chief on the request of so many Indian musicians, had to  ban the harmonium   in 1940  as he  too had felt that it (harmonium)  was not suitable to the tonal inflections of Indian classical music

AIR banished harmonium on March 1, 1940

Soon after Fielden ordered to ban harmonium, this keyboard instrument was banished and literary thrown away from the studios. Its last rites were symbolically performed at All India Radio Lahore by laying it to rest. Some newspapers of that era,  also came out with cartoons and sketches, with other musical instruments telling harmonium “Dafa Ho jao”-(Go to the Hell)

   Records available with www.kashmir-rechords.com  reveal that historian Ananda Coomaraswami and even Jawaharlal Nehru as a freedom fighter too had found the harmonium `un-Indian’. Thus, the ban on the instrument sustained even after India’s  Independence owing to the attitude of Information and Broadcasting Minister BV Keskar, a student of scholarly vocalist VN Bhatkhande.  During the Indian independence Movement, both British and Indian scholars condemned the harmonium for embodying an unwelcome foreign musical sensibility

Popularity of Harmonium

Harmonium, developed by French inverter was once very popular musical instrument in the mid-19th century. Considered  a cheaper and more durable alternative to organs and harpsichords, as the latter two often finished the long voyage east warped and unplayable,  Indian craftsmen  had quickly learned to manufacture harmoniums, and soon their compatriots incorporated the instrument into performances of Indian classical music. In comparison to traditional instruments, the harmonium was easy to tune and a cinch to learn to play. However, as the harmonium became a target of `anti-colonialists’, All-India Radio, the influential state-run broadcaster had to ban it from its programs.

Lifting of ban on Harmonium

The ban was loosened in 1970, after critics  argued that the harmonium “should not be treated as an ‘untouchable.’

  As elites have struggled to cleanse modern Indian music of what they argue is a “foreign” intruder, the masses have used the harmonium as a gateway to an understanding of their musical heritage. Critics opined that harmonium was considered  well suited to teaching the fundamentals of Indian musical grammar and to accompanying choral groups—thus needed recognition and not the ban.

 Today, the harmonium in India thrives in a range of systems: Hindustani, Carnatic, Qawwali, Ghazal, Bhajans, Church choir and Sikh Gurbani besides several traditional and folk music. Even so, solo harmonium concerts continue to be rare on AIR.

Did Jesus Christ ever visit Kashmir?

Kashmir Rechords
-
0

Was Jesus Christ in Kashmir during the “lost” years? Some scholars believe so. Did Jesus visit Kashmir as some books claim? Does a tomb – Rozabal, near Srinagar exists in his name as the story of one Hollywood film tried to project? Are you aware of a Kolkata based filmmaker Subhrajit Mitra who tried to trace Christ’s ‘India trail’ in his film “The Unknown Stories of the Messiah”? Did Christ visit India after his crucifixion?  What is your take on all such issues?

Was Jesus buried at Rozabal, Srinagar?

Whatever could be the fact, the Rozabal shrine in downtown Srinagar is an object of curiosity. According to one theory, Jesus did not die at the Cross and was buried here carrying the name of Yuzu Assef. It is believed by some  that a wandering mystic (Christ) travelled across India, lived in Buddhist monasteries, spoke against the iniquities of the country’s caste system and lived as a shepherd along the vast banks of the brooks in the beautiful vale of Kashmir.

On a routine visit to the tomb at Rozabal, one is greeted with a green signboard written in Urdu and English referring to it by the name of “Yuz Asaph”. It is situated in the thickly populated locality with a “Martyrs’ graveyard’’ on its one side and a Muslim shrine of Dastagir Sahib in its close vicinity. The Muslim shrine, unlike Rozabal tomb, is frequently visited by devotees. The management of

this Muslim shrine is believed taking care of Rozabal as well.

The period in the life of Christ from the age of 13 to 30 is amazingly vague in the Gospels and other chronicles on his life. However, the theory that he spent those years in Kashmir has provoked a section of the Christian community to term it as total heresy.  Who term it just “fantasy and fiction.”

“The very essence of Christianity depends on Christ’s fructification and historically, Saint Helena found the original Cross while digging at the Mount Calvary,’’ some counter, who however opined that  Christ may or may not have visited Kashmir but no Christian believes that his tomb exists in the Valley.

             What do History Books say about Christ’s Kashmir Sojourn?

Hollywood’s interest in attributing Christ to Kashmir is not the first instance. The theory that Christ’s teachings had roots in Indian traditions has been around for more than a century. In 1894 a Russian doctor, Nicholas Notovitch in his book “The Unknown Life of Christ’’ claimed that while recovering from a broken leg in a Tibetan monastery in Ladakh, he had been shown evidence of Christ’s Indian wanderings. He claimed that he was shown a scroll recording a visit by young Jesus to India and Tibet. In 1908, Francis Younghusband, a traveller to Kashmir mentioned in his book `Kashmir’ about Rozabal and Christ connection.

Aziz Mohd a historian from Kashmir mentions Christ having lived in Ladakh monasteries and Kashmir in his book `Israr-e-Kashmir’.

Fida Hassnain, former director of archaeology, Kashmir, who has written books on the legend of Jesus in India, points out in one of his books that there was extensive traffic between the Mediterranean and India around the time of Jesus’ life.

Aziz Hajni, author of `Jesus Lived in India’ in his 160 page book argues that Jesus survived the crucifixion and travelled to Kashmir and died at a ripe age.

In 1995, a German religious expert, Holger Kersten, claimed that Jesus had been schooled by Buddhist monks to believe in non-violence and to challenge the priesthood. Kersten’s book remains a bestseller in India.

A website on Christ’s tomb in Kashmir  claims to have ‘‘historical and well-documented proof’’ to establish that Christ visited Kashmir and has a tomb at Rozabal. Besides the existing works, the website mentions Bhavishya Maha Purana claiming that the manuscript carries the name of Jessu “ the teacher and founder of the religion, who was born miraculously, proclaimed himself the Saviour of the world and survived in Asia, for a long period.’’

J&K  Archaeology department’s  former Deputy Director opines  that archeologically there is no proof of Christ having a tomb in Srinagar. “Kashmir has had a tradition of documenting history since times immemorial. There should have been at least some mention of Rozabal or Christ’s visit to the valley in Pt Kalhana’s Rajatarangini,” which is a point of reference for Kashmir’s history.

K N Pandita, former Director of Central Asian Studies, Kashmir University, is of the opinion that the issue remains an open subject and scholars ought to focus attention on a comprehensive and convincing research. According to him, the word Rozabal comprises two parts; Roza (of Arabic origin Rawzah meaning a garden or a spot) and Bal is a Kashmrised Sanskrit word used as place- suffix meaning where water is close by. “Perhaps the water stream once called mar ran close to present day Rozabal. But I believe  that it was a Hindu or Buddhist shrine and later taken over.”

Once the stronghold of the militants, the Khanyar area of Srinagar that has Rozabal as one of the mohallas, however, dons the same everyday look even after so many sophisticated cameras zoom on its highly congested lanes and by lanes.  Shopkeepers at Khanyar Chowk are nostalgic of those peaceful days when foreign tourists, mostly Christians in large numbers, would visit Kashmir and Rozabal on summer holidays and would generate employment for some unemployed youth in the city.

Many share that wish every four seasons of Kashmir!

====

‘Batta Loot’: When Kashmir’s Hindus became hidden victims on July 13, 1931

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
‘Batta Loot’: When Kashmir’s Hindus became hidden victims on July 13, 1931
(Kashmir Rechords Research Desk)

For generations, July 13, 1931 has been commemorated in Kashmir largely through a single narrative—that of those killed outside the Central Jail in Srinagar. Yet, hidden beneath political slogans and official commemorations lies another story, one preserved in contemporary documents, official correspondence and one remarkable book published within months of the disturbances.

That story belongs to the Kashmiri Pandits and other Hindu minorities who became victims of one of the first large-scale communal attacks in twentieth-century Kashmir.

Among Kashmiri Pandits, the day came to be remembered not merely as the day of jail firing, but as ” Batta Loot”—the day when Pandit homes, shops, temples and livelihoods were systematically looted and destroyed.The expression itself is significant.

In Kashmiri, “Batta” means Kashmiri Pandit, while “Loot” literally means plunder. Thus, ‘Batta Loot‘ became the community’s own remembrance of a day marked by violence, fear and dispossession rather than martyrdom.

This forgotten chapter finds detailed documentation in G.S. Raghavan’s 1931 book Warning of Kashmir, a work that was not only circulated officially by the Jammu & Kashmir Government but was also distributed among various departments for record and reference. Official correspondence dated January, 25 1932 and May 6,1932, now preserved in archival records, shows that the Government itself considered the publication important enough to circulate among departments.

Archival government correspondence page from 1932 regarding the official circulation of the book Warning of Kashmir
Archival government correspondence page from 1932 regarding the official circulation of the book Warning of Kashmir

A Crisis Months in the Making

The disturbances of July 1931 did not emerge overnight.Throughout early 1931, communal tensions had steadily risen. Political grievances increasingly acquired a religious character, and inflammatory speeches began mobilising large crowds.

According to Raghavan, one figure assumed unusual prominence during this period—Abdul Qadeer, a cook attached to a European military officer visiting Kashmir from Peshawar.

Rather than being a native political leader of Kashmir, Qadeer became known through speeches which, according to contemporary accounts, openly challenged the authority of the Dogra State and invoked religious sentiment to mobilise crowds.

His arrest under Sections 124-A (sedition) and 153-A (promoting communal hatred) of the Indian Penal Code became the immediate trigger for subsequent events.

Front cover of the 1932 edition of the book Warning of Kashmir by G.S. Raghavan

July 13, 1931: The Jail Turns into a Flashpoint

Raghavan in his 1932 edition of the book mentions that on  July 13, 1931, thousands assembled outside the Central Jail in Srinagar where Abdul Qadeer’s trial was being held.

According to  his Warning of Kashmir, the gathering rapidly transformed into a violent assault. The crowd attempted to force entry into the prison. Police personnel were attacked with stones. Telephone lines were cut. Attempts were made to overpower the jail guards.

Warnings issued by the District Magistrate failed. Only after repeated attempts to disperse the gathering did police resort to firing. The official firing resulted in casualties among the protesters.

For decades, public memory largely stopped at this point.

Srinagar-central-jail-incident-1931.

Kashmir’s Hindu Localities Under Attack

One of the most striking aspects of Warning of Kashmir is its detailed description of what happened after the firing. Instead of dispersing, sections of the crowd moved into Srinagar’s commercial and residential Hindu localities.

Raghavan records that Maharaj Gunj, one of the Valley’s principal commercial centres dominated by Hindu traders, became a primary target.The violence spread from Bohri Kadal to Alikadal, continuing through Safakadal, Ganpatyar, and Nawakadal.

These were not isolated incidents. According to the contemporary account, the Hindu-owned shops were systematically looted. Books of account were burnt. Merchants were assaulted. Property worth lakhs of rupees was destroyed. Streets remained littered with looted goods and entire commercial establishments were devastated.

The author notes that not a single Muslim property owner reportedly approached the authorities with complaints of being looted, whereas Hindu commercial losses were extensive.This observation forms one of the strongest contemporary indicators that the violence assumed a distinctly communal character.

History need not choose one victim over another… a complete understanding of July 1931 requires acknowledging both the jail firing and the communal violence that followed.

Why Kashmiri Pandits Remember It as ‘Batta Loot’

Within the Pandit community, the events acquired an entirely different name.Batta Loot, the phrase did not emerge from political literature.It emerged from lived memory. Families remembered not speeches outside the jail, but flames engulfing their neighbourhoods.They remembered commercial establishments reduced to ashes.They remembered women and children hiding indoors.They remembered centuries-old businesses disappearing within hours.

For Kashmiri Pandits, July 13 became synonymous with organised plunder. The memory passed orally through generations long before it found renewed attention in archival research only recently.

Archival text snippet describing the atrocities and property damage in Vicharnag locality

Vicharnag: A Parallel Tragedy

While much attention centred upon Srinagar city, another horrific episode unfolded in Vicharnag, about six miles away.

According to  noted author Raghavan, some  organised groups entered the locality and committed widespread atrocities. The houses were looted, property destroyed, buildings burnt and  residents were assaulted. Military intervention eventually dispersed the attackers, but only after significant damage had already occurred.

This demonstrates that the disturbances extended well beyond spontaneous rioting and affected multiple Hindu settlements across the Valley.

The economic consequences proved devastating. Unlike ordinary theft, the burning of account books destroyed commercial memory itself—debts, credits and business relationships accumulated over decades vanished overnight.For many traders, rebuilding became nearly impossible.

Political Agitation and External Mobilisation

Raghavan further argues that the disturbances quickly became part of a wider political campaign.

Within days, All India Kashmir Muslim  Committee emerged to mobilise opinion across British India .Public meetings were organised. Resolutions were passed. “Kashmir Day” was observed elsewhere.

While political mobilisation expanded nationally, the suffering of the Hindu victims inside Kashmir gradually disappeared from wider discussion.

The narrative shifted almost entirely towards those killed in the jail firing, leaving the subsequent communal violence largely undocumented in public memory.

Officially Circulated Book Later Forgotten

One remarkable aspect of this history is that Warning of Kashmir was never a clandestine publication. Official correspondence reproduced in surviving archives shows that copies were supplied to the Development Department, departments acknowledged receipt. Additional copies were formally requested as Government considered the book useful enough for official circulation.

The preface itself states that the author’s purpose was not polemics but “an unadorned statement of truth” based upon available evidence and official records.

Yet after Independence and the changing political landscape, the work gradually disappeared from mainstream historical discourse.

Preface text from G.S. Raghavan's book

Recovering a Forgotten Memory

Recognising the suffering of Kashmiri Pandits on July 13, 1931 does not diminish the deaths that occurred outside the Central Jail.

History need not choose one victim over another.However, a complete understanding of July 1931 requires acknowledging both the jail firing and the communal violence that followed.

The tragedy of  ‘Batta Loot‘ reminds us that ordinary civilians—shopkeepers, traders, families and neighbourhoods—paid an immense price during those disturbances. Ignoring that experience leaves the historical record incomplete.

The events of July 13, 1931 altered Kashmir’s political history, but they also scarred its social fabric.For Kashmiri Pandits, it became  Batta Loot—a day remembered not for political symbolism but for the organised destruction of homes, businesses and lives.

Nearly a century later, rare official correspondence and G.S. Raghavan’s Warning of Kashmir invite historians to revisit this neglected chapter with scholarly objectivity rather than inherited political narratives.

History achieves its greatest value not when it reinforces established myths, but when it restores forgotten truths. Only by acknowledging the full scope of human suffering can the story of July 13, 1931 be understood in its complete historical context.

Dear Esteemed Readers,

Every article published by Kashmir Rechords is the result of painstaking research, extensive archival work and countless hours spent uncovering rare historical records that are often unavailable elsewhere.

If you value such authentic and well-researched documentation of Kashmir’s history, we humbly request your support. No contribution is too small—every tiny donation helps us continue preserving and presenting forgotten chapters of our shared heritage.

Please consider supporting our work by scanning the QR Code below. Even the smallest contribution means a great deal to us and helps keep this mission alive.

Kashmir REchords Foundation Q R Code

Thank you for standing with Kashmir Rechords Foundation in preserving history for future generations.

‘Please Come at Once’: Rare 1946 letters reveal Kashmiri Hindus’ urgent appeals to Sardar Patel

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
‘Please Come at Once’: Rare 1946 letters reveal Kashmiri Hindus’ urgent appeals to Sardar Patel
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive Research Report)

Two rare handwritten letters preserved in the National Archives of India have brought to light a largely forgotten chapter in the political history of pre-Independence Kashmir. Written on 29 and 30 May 1946, at the height of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s Quit Kashmir Movement, the letters reveal the growing apprehensions of sections of the Kashmiri Hindu community and their desperate appeals to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel for guidance and intervention.

Penned just a day apart by two separate organisations in Srinagar, the documents demonstrate that concern over the political developments in Kashmir was not confined to a handful of individuals but was shared by organised sections of Kashmiri Hindu society. One appeal came from the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation Sharika Bhawan, Shital Nath Srinagar, while the other was submitted by the Hindu Youths Association, Purshyar, Srinagar.

Together, these documents, assessed by Kashmir Rechords,  offer an invaluable primary source for understanding how sections of the minority community viewed the rapidly unfolding events in Kashmir months before India’s Independence and Partition.

Urgent Appeal from Kashmiri Students

The first letter, dated 29 May 1946, was written on the official letterhead of the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, functioning from Sharika Bhawan, Shital Nath, Srinagar. Bearing the motto “Discipline – Struggle – Independence,” the letter was signed by Lachmi Narayan Dhar, President of the Federation.

Please come at once. Matter is very serious” — All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, May 29, 1946

Addressed to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, as “ Dear Sardar Saheb’’, the brief communication paints a grim picture of the prevailing atmosphere in Kashmir.

The student leader describes the agitation in Kashmir as having assumed alarming proportions and alleges that the situation was being misrepresented by sections of the nationalist press. He warns that the Hindu community had come under threat and implores Patel to intervene personally.

The concluding sentence captures the urgency of the moment:-‘Please come at once. Matter is very serious‘

The appeal reflects the confidence that young Kashmiri Hindus placed in Patel’s leadership during one of the most volatile periods in the State’s political history.

‘We Are Not Foolish’

The very next day, on 30 May 1946, another communication reached Patel.

This far more detailed memorandum was submitted by the Secretary, Hindu Youths Association, Purshyar, Srinagar.

Unlike the students’ appeal, the memorandum attempts to explain the political thinking of the Kashmiri Hindu community. It emphatically states that the community was not opposed to representative government.

In one of its most striking observations, the writers declare that they were “not foolish” and were living in the twentieth century, fully aware of democratic ideals and political progress. Their concern, they explain, was not democracy itself but the absence of safeguards for a vulnerable minority in a communally sensitive environment.

The memorandum, therefore, asks Patel to suggest the “right course of action” for Kashmiri Hindus  and other minorities at a time when the State’s political future appeared increasingly uncertain.

A portion of the handwritten letter from the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation to Sardar Patel, dated May 29, 1946.

The Shadow of 1931

A recurring theme in the memorandum is the memory of the communal disturbances of 1931.

The writers remind Patel that the minority community had suffered during those events and assert that the wounds had not yet healed. They argue that those experiences could not simply be ignored while discussing constitutional reforms or representative government.

For the authors, the events of 1931 remained a living political reality rather than a closed chapter of history.

This reference is particularly significant because it demonstrates how deeply those events continued to influence the political outlook of Kashmiri Hindus fifteen years later.

Strong Reservations About Sheikh Abdullah

The memorandum also contains unusually candid remarks about Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then leading the Quit Kashmir Movement against Maharaja Hari Singh’s government.

The writers describe Abdullah as a “colour changing man,” expressing distrust of what they perceived as his shifting political positions. They warn Patel that slogans of revolution and popular mobilisation should not obscure the legitimate concerns of minorities.

Whether historians agree with these assessments or not, the document provides a rare insight into how sections of Kashmiri Hindus perceived Sheikh Abdullah at a crucial moment in Kashmir’s political evolution.

A portion of the handwritten letter from Hindu Youths Association, Srinagar to Sardar Patel, dated May 30,1946.

A Reference to Jawaharlal Nehru

Equally noteworthy is  May 30, 1946 memorandum’s reference to Jawaharlal Nehru.

The writers caution Patel about what they describe as the “hasty type of judgments of Jawahar.”

Although the memorandum does not elaborate, the remark appears to reflect the differing perceptions within sections of Kashmiri Hindu society regarding Nehru’s support for Sheikh Abdullah during the Quit Kashmir agitation.

Why Patel?

Both organisations chose to write not to the British authorities or the Maharaja’s administration but directly to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

This choice itself is revealing.

It suggests that these organisations regarded Patel as a leader capable of understanding their anxieties and offering impartial advice during a period of political uncertainty.  This also mean that the student leaders’ might have also been in touch with Sardar Patel earlier also.Their appeals were not merely complaints; they were requests for guidance from a national leader in whom they reposed considerable trust.

The Silence of History

Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of these documents is what they do not reveal.

The archival material presently available in the National Archives of India does not indicate what action, if any, Sardar Patel took after receiving these appeals. Nor does it reveal whether he visited Kashmir in response to the repeated requests or communicated his views to the organisations concerned.

Windows into a Forgotten Moment

These letters are neither retrospective memoirs nor political commentaries written years after the event. They are contemporary communications, written in real time by individuals living through one of the most consequential periods in Kashmir’s modern history.

Their significance lies not in establishing the correctness of any political position but in  presenting  the contemporary perceptions, fears and aspirations of a section of Kashmiri society at a pivotal historical moment.

As primary sources, they enrich our understanding of the political climate surrounding the Quit Kashmir Movement and remind us that the debate over Kashmir’s future involved multiple voices, many of which have remained unheard in mainstream historical narratives.

Nearly eight decades later, these fragile handwritten appeals continue to speak across time—not because they settle historical debates, but because they illuminate the concerns of those who feared that their voices might otherwise be lost to history.

Editor’s Note

The documents reproduced in this article are preserved in the National Archives of India. The views expressed in these letters are those of their authors and are presented here as historical primary source material. Kashmir Rechords reproduces archival documents to facilitate research and encourage a fuller understanding of Jammu and Kashmir’s complex historical record.

Beyond Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat: The forgotten women victims of militancy in Kashmir

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Beyond Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat: The forgotten women victims of militancy in Kashmir
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive Report)

Whenever the subject of women who fell victim to militancy in Kashmir is discussed, two names invariably dominate the public discourse—Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat. Their horrifying murders have become enduring symbols of the brutality that accompanied the early years of insurgency. Renewed public attention following cinematic portrayals and recent legal developments, including the filing of a chargesheet against Yasin Malik in the Sarla Bhat murder case, has once again brought these tragedies into national focus.

Their stories unquestionably deserve to be remembered, documented and retold.Yet, the history of Kashmir’s conflict is far larger than two names.

Behind these widely known narratives lies a long and painful list of women—both Kashmiri Pandits and Kashmiri Muslims—whose lives were brutally cut short by militant violence but whose stories have gradually faded from public memory. Many never became national headlines. Many survived only in fading newspaper reports preserved in archives. Others continue to exist solely in the memories of grieving families.

An honest chronicle of Kashmir’s troubled past must strive to restore every innocent victim to history, irrespective of religion, region or political persuasion. Justice begins with remembrance. Whether it is Prana Ganjoo, Pitti Kaul, Afroza, Rukhsana, or numerous others whose names rarely find mention in public discourse, every innocent life deserves equal dignity in history.

When staying back became a Death Sentence

For the Kashmiri Pandit community, the winter of 1989–90 marked the beginning of one of the darkest chapters in its modern history.

Targeted killings, threats, intimidation and fear forced hundreds of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits to leave the Valley between late 1989 and the early months of 1990, abandoning homes, businesses, temples, educational institutions and ancestral properties built over generations.

Not every family, however, chose to leave. Some believed the violence would eventually subside. Others simply could not imagine abandoning the land where their ancestors had lived for centuries. Many elderly residents lacked the means or the will to migrate. Some trusted their friends and neighbours.

For several of them, that decision proved fatal.

Prof Ganjoo and Mrs Ganjoo story in Kashmir Times
Daily Excelsior news making mention of Ganjoo couple killing

Tragic end of  Ganjoo Couple

Among those who chose to remain were Professor K.L. Ganjoo, serving in Government Agricultural College, Wadoora Sopore and his wife Prana (Prerna) Ganjoo of Sopore.

Despite the deteriorating security situation and the mass migration taking place around them, the couple stayed back in their homeland.Their faith was repaid with unimaginable brutality.

On 6 May 1990, according to contemporary newspaper reports preserved in the archives of Kashmir Rechords, the bodies of Professor Ganjoo and his wife, kidnapped two days ago,  were recovered from the banks of the River Jhelum near a temple that today itself stands neglected and desecrated. As was often the case during those turbulent months, combing operations and house-to-house searches followed, but yielded no meaningful results.Justice never arrived.

Dolly: A  teenager whose story was forgotten

The same day witnessed another tragedy. The body of Dolly, a 16-year-old girl, bearing bullet injuries, was recovered from Karan Nagar in Srinagar.

16 year old victim, Dolly
A teenager who was also not spared by militants

Like so many other killings from that period, her death disappeared into obscurity. No known investigation reached its logical conclusion, and the case never entered the national consciousness.Her name remains largely absent from discussions on Kashmir’s violent past.

Pitti Kaul: Even age offered no protection

The murder of Pitti Kaul, an elderly Kashmiri Pandit woman, stands as another reminder of the indiscriminate nature of militant violence. She too had chosen to remain in Kashmir after much of her community had migrated.

On  November 7,  1990, militants entered her home at Mandir Bagh Srinagar  and shot her dead. Her age offered no protection. Her attachment to her ancestral home ultimately cost her life.

Today, outside a handful of archival references and family memories, her story remains virtually forgotten.

10th Day kriya of Pitti Kaul

Other forgotten women lost to violence

The archival record also documents the killing of another Mrs. Ganjoo from Bana Mohalla, Srinagar, whose body was recovered with multiple bullet injuries during 1990.

Similarly, local newspapers carried the photograph of Mrs. Roopawati of Pulwama, another  Kashmiri Pandit woman reportedly killed in cold blood during the insurgency. These names seldom appear in contemporary discussions, despite once occupying newspaper columns that chronicled Kashmir’s daily descent into violence.Their stories deserve careful historical documentation before they disappear altogether.

Victims of terrorism
Victims of Terrorism

Beyond Sarla Bhat and Girija Tickoo

The murder of Sarla Bhat, a young nurse abducted and killed in April 1990, demonstrated that even humanitarian service offered no protection against militant violence.

Likewise, the gruesome killing of Girija Tickoo has rightly become one of the most widely remembered atrocities committed against Kashmiri Pandit women.

Both cases occupy an important place in the historical record. However, their prominence should not unintentionally overshadow the many other women whose names seldom find space in history books, judicial discourse or public memory.

Sarla-Bhat-and-Girija-Tickoo.

Collectively, these forgotten stories reveal a grim reality: for many who remained in Kashmir during those turbulent months, daily life became an existence lived under constant fear, where simply staying in one’s ancestral home could prove fatal.

Kashmiri Muslim women were also victims of Militancy

Militant violence in Kashmir was not confined to one community alone. Over the years, many innocent Kashmiri Muslim women were also murdered by militant groups. Their alleged offences varied—from being accused of informing security forces, refusing to obey militant diktats, continuing their professional duties, participating in democratic institutions, belonging to political families, or simply becoming victims of targeted attacks.

Among the documented cases is Naseema Bano, who was reportedly killed after militants accused her of acting as a police informer.

Shameema Akhtar was murdered because she continued teaching despite militant warnings and diktats.

Asiya Jan, associated with grassroots democratic institutions following the revival of Panchayati Raj, was among several women targeted by militants.

Woman victim of militancy

Over the years, numerous women related to Special Police Officers (SPOs), Village Defence Committee members, political workers and surrendered militants also lost their lives or sustained grievous injuries in targeted attacks.

These women, too, deserve remembrance within any comprehensive account of Kashmir’s conflict.

Recovering Forgotten Histories

During the preparation of this archival series, Kashmir Rechords made repeated efforts to contact the families of both Kashmiri Pandit and Kashmiri Muslim women who lost their lives to militant violence.

Many families, understandably, preferred silence. Others could not be traced after decades of displacement and upheaval.

Consequently, this article has been prepared primarily from contemporary newspaper archives preserved by Kashmir Rechords, supplemented by  some material available in the public domain.

Several rare photographs accompanying this series have remained unpublished for decades.

Justice Begins with Memory

Public memory often remembers only those tragedies that receive sustained media attention, judicial intervention or cinematic representation.

Countless others remain confined to fading newspaper cuttings, forgotten police files, family albums and private grief.

History should not become selective. The worth of an innocent human life cannot be measured by the volume of media coverage it receives or the political attention it attracts.Every documented victim deserves to be remembered with equal dignity.

The purpose of documenting these forgotten stories is neither to create a hierarchy of suffering nor to diminish the pain of any community.Rather, it is to ensure that the historical record reflects the full human cost of militancy in Kashmir. To remember them is not just an act of looking back; it is a refusal to let violence have the final word on who they were.

When Yasin Malik was declared ‘Dead’ twice in April 1990!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
When Yasin Malik was declared ‘Dead’ twice in April 1990!
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Few episodes from Kashmir’s turbulent past are as astonishing as this one. Twice in April 1990, newspapers declared Yasin Malik dead. Four months later, he was arrested alive!

Thirty-six years later, as the public demands the harshest punishment for Yasin Malik’s role in terrorist violence and the Special Investigation Team (SIT) has filed over 700-page chargesheet in the murder of Sarla Bhat, this extraordinary contradiction hidden in Jammu Kashmir’s newspaper archives deserves renewed attention.

Among the thousands of newspapers painstakingly preserved by Kashmir Rechords Foundation lies one of the most intriguing mysteries of the early militancy era.

Declared Dead—Not Once, But Twice

The first report appeared in the 9 April 1990 edition of The Kashmir Times.

Kashmir Times April 9 1990 front page report claiming Yasin Malik killed

Quoting official security sources, the newspaper reported that security forces had killed the so-called “Commander-in-Chief” of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), Yasin Malik, and another militant during an operation in Srinagar. Several other militants were also reported to have been arrested. Simultaneously, almost identical news was carried by another leading J&K newspaper–Daily Excelsior on the same day!

Daily Excelsior News Dateline April 9, 1990, killing Yasin Malik first time and repeating the same on August 18, 1990.

Nine days later, on April 18, 1990, history appeared to repeat itself.

Both Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times once again carried front-page reports, again quoting official security sources, claiming that Yasin Malik had been killed. The reports stated that several senior JKLF commanders had either been arrested or eliminated during security operations, and Yasin Malik’s name once again figured among those reported dead.Not once.But twice.

Yasin Malik claimed killed in 1990, on April 17.
Yasin Malik reported dead Daily Excelsior April 1990

The reports carried all the hallmarks of authenticity. They relied on official briefings issued at a time when militancy was rapidly engulfing the Valley and newspapers depended heavily on information released by the security establishment.

When Newspapers Declared Yasin Malik dead---second time
When Yasin Malik was `killed' on April 17, 1990

The August Plot Twist: Arrested Alive

Barely four months later came a stunning reversal.

On 7 August 1990, the same newspapers carried another prominent front-page story announcing what was described as a “major breakthrough.”

This time, Yasin Malik and dreaded JKLF Deputy Commander-in-Chief Hamid Sheikh were reported to have been arrested alive during security operations in Srinagar. Their photographs accompanied the reports.

The contradiction was impossible to ignore.

How did a man who had been officially reported dead twice in April 1990 suddenly reappear alive in August, 1990? The question has remained unanswered for more than three decades.

Kashmir Times August 1990 Yasin Malik arrest headline

Sarla Bhat’s murder received barely a passing mention

The irony becomes even more striking when these editions are read alongside another tragedy unfolding at the same time.

On April, 18 1990, while newspapers prominently carried the story of Yasin Malik’s alleged death for the second time, Sarla Bhat, a young Kashmiri Pandit nurse, was abducted and brutally murdered by terrorists on the same day.

The irony is tragic: the very week official briefings vacillated on whether Yasin Malik was dead or alive, nurse Sarla Bhat was silenced forever.

When newspapers reported the incident in their 20 April 1990 editions, her murder occupied only a few lines, without the outrage, sustained attention or prominence that such a horrific crime deserved. Like countless other targeted killings during those violent months, her murder quickly disappeared from the headlines.

Sarla Bhat murder newspaper report 1990
Few lines for Sarla Bhat murder

Justice, however, did not.It merely took thirty-six years to begin moving again.

Recently, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) filed a chargesheet running into more than 700 pages, alleging that Sarla Bhat was murdered on the directions of Yasin Malik—the very man who had been declared dead twice in newspaper reports earlier that same month before later being arrested alive.

The sequence of events makes the archival record all the more compelling.

Forgotten Sarla Bhat murder

Media Failure or Intelligence Tactics? Who Got It Wrong

The preserved newspaper clippings do not, by themselves, indict the newspapers. Both Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times clearly attributed the reports to official security sources.

That raises several important questions. Was it an intelligence failure? Was it part of a psychological warfare strategy intended to create confusion within militant ranks by spreading reports of a senior commander’s death?

Or was it simply a consequence of the chaos that defined Kashmir in the spring of 1990, when rumours, intelligence inputs and official briefings often outpaced independent verification?

There is another possibility that cannot be ignored. The media of that era functioned under convenient compromise or extraordinary pressure, operating amid curfews, censorship concerns, targeted killings and collapsing communication systems. Much of what appeared in print originated from official briefings, leaving little room for independent verification. Whether journalists were merely reproducing official information or whether competing narratives were being shaped through selective leaks remains a subject worthy of deeper historical research.

Whatever the explanation, the preserved editions of Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times, now part of the archival holdings of Kashmir Rechords Foundation, remind us why newspapers are more than yesterday’s news.They are historical evidence. They preserve not only events but also contradictions, unanswered questions and narratives that demand fresh scrutiny decades later.

Sometimes history is not rewritten by new discoveries. Sometimes, it is rediscovered in old newspapers.

Preserving Jammu & Kashmir’s History | Kashmir Rechords Turns Three

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Preserving Jammu & Kashmir’s History | Kashmir Rechords Turns Three

This July marks a very special milestone for all of us at Kashmir Rechords. We are completing three years of a journey that began with a simple yet powerful dream—to preserve history before it disappeared forever.

What started as an initiative by a handful of passionate individuals, painstakingly collecting old newspaper clippings and transforming what many considered mere rags of paper into valuable historical records, has today evolved into the Kashmir Rechords Foundation—a registered NGO devoted to preserving the art, culture, heritage and forgotten narratives of Jammu & Kashmir.

Three years ago, few could have imagined that a small group of determined individuals, supported by exceptionally talented and tech-savvy young volunteers, would build a platform that would become a trusted repository of rare archival material and well-researched historical content. Yet, here we are today—humbled, grateful and inspired to do even more.

Our Commitment: Facts Before Narratives

At Kashmir Rechords, we have consciously chosen a difficult path. We have never relied on sensationalism, exaggeration or distorted narratives. Instead, we have remained steadfastly committed to facts—facts that were once published, documented and recorded, but gradually faded from public memory.

Our mission has always been to rediscover, preserve and present these forgotten truths with honesty, authenticity and scholarly integrity.

Glimpse of Kashmir Rechords Work

Looking back, we take immense pride in having published hundreds of meticulously researched articles on the history, culture, personalities, human interest, literature and heritage of Jammu & Kashmir. Every article represents countless hours spent in archives, libraries and old newspaper collections.

Yet we believe our work has only just begun. Thousands of documents remain unexplored, and countless stories still await rediscovery.

🏛️ Major Milestone: Donations to the Kashmir Rechords Foundation are now eligible for tax deductions under Section 80G of the Income Tax Act, 1961

The People Behind the Kashmir Rechords’ Journey

As we celebrate this milestone, our hearts are filled with gratitude for those who believed in us when Kashmir Rechords was little more than an idea.

We are particularly indebted to our distinguished patrons and well-wishers Dr. N. L. Zutshi, Dr. Vijay Sazawal, Dr Jeevan Zutshi, Shri Sunil Bali, Shri Ashish Zutshi, Shri Hira Lal  Sapru, Shri Vimal Sumbli and Shri Vikas Raina. Their encouragement, trust and generous contributions enabled us to sustain this initiative during its formative years. Their support also helped us provide modest stipends to passionate young researchers and volunteers who continue to work tirelessly for this mission.

Archives do not preserve themselves. They survive because someone chooses to care. Thank you for helping us keep  Jammu Kashmir’s history alive

Every Contribution Made a Difference

We also extend our heartfelt gratitude to numerous anonymous friends and well-wishers who quietly contributed whatever they could. Some donated generously, while others contributed out of their pocket money. To us, every contribution carried equal value because each reflected faith in our mission.

A special word of appreciation is reserved for our young friend Mr. Aaryan Bhagat, whose generosity went far beyond financial assistance. He also shared a treasure of rare archival material from his personal collection, enriching our repository immeasurably. His commitment reminds us that the younger generation is equally determined to preserve our shared heritage.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation shall forever remain indebted to every individual who stood beside us. No contribution was too small. Every helping hand strengthened our resolve.

The Journey Has Just Begun

As we step into our fourth year, the scope of our work continues to expand. Vast archives remain uncatalogued, countless historical records await digitisation and numerous forgotten narratives deserve to be documented for future generations.

Rare old newspapers of Jammu and Kashmir awaiting digitisation
Rare old newspapers of Jammu and Kashmir awaiting digitisation
Archival records

We also aspire to provide internships and research opportunities to deserving young minds who possess a passion for historical research, archival preservation, documentation and responsible social media engagement. We firmly believe that investing in young researchers is essential to safeguarding our collective heritage.

A New Milestone: Tax Benefits for Donors

Today, we are pleased to share another significant milestone.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation is now registered on the Government of India’s DARPAN Portal  and has also been granted provisional registration under Sections 12AB and 80G of the Income Tax Act, 1961  initially for a period of three years.This means that eligible donations made to the Foundation can now qualify for income tax benefits under Section 80G, subject to the applicable provisions of the Income Tax Act. Your support not only helps preserve the priceless history, culture and heritage of Jammu & Kashmir but also enables you to claim the applicable tax deduction.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation 80G tax exemption certificate registration details
Kashmir Rechords Foundation 80G tax exemption certificate registration details

Why Your Support Matters

In an age where half-truths often travel faster than documented facts, we remain committed to preserving history with authenticity, integrity and scholarly responsibility.

For us, the trust of our readers and supporters remains our greatest strength. We pledge to continue serving everyone who values truth, historical documentation and the rich cultural legacy of Kashmir.

Every contribution—big or small—helps us preserve rare archives, digitise historical records, support young researchers and ensure that priceless fragments of our collective memory are not lost forever.

Join Us in Preserving History

We humbly request our friends, readers, philanthropists and all those who care about  Jammu and Kashmir and its people to support this mission.

No contribution is too small. Every donation keeps history alive. You may contribute using the QR Code or the bank details provided below.

Together, let us preserve today what tomorrow will proudly call history.

With gratitude, humility and hope,

Team Kashmir Rechords Foundation,

H.0: H.No 1, Lane-2, Bharat Nagar, Bantalab, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir India-181123.

B.O: C/o:C1/1401, Kendriya Vihar, Greater Noida, (Delhi-NCR)-201310

email:support@kashmir-rechords.com, kashmirrechords@gmail.com

Phone: +91 8383909284

Kashmir Rechords: Striking a Historical Chord with Jammu & Kashmir

Our Pledge

As we begin our fourth year, we renew our commitment to preserve the forgotten history, culture and collective memory of Jammu & Kashmir with honesty, authenticity and scholarly rigour. We shall continue to document what others overlook, preserve what time threatens to erase, and inspire future generations to value their heritage.With your trust and support, we shall continue striking a historical chord with Jammu & Kashmir—one document, one photograph, one forgotten story at a time.

36 years later: Will Justice finally reach Kashmir’s forgotten Martyrs?

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
36 years later: Will Justice finally reach Kashmir’s forgotten Martyrs?
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

The presentation of a chargesheet by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) into the 1990 murder of nurse Sarla Bhat deserves appreciation. Every serious attempt to investigate crimes that scarred Jammu and Kashmir is a step in the right direction. Yet, alongside hope comes an unavoidable question: Why did it take thirty-six years?

More importantly, will this investigation meet a fate different from many before it?

The history of terrorism in Kashmir is filled with cases that began with assurances but faded into silence. The assassination of Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, murdered in broad daylight on November 4, 1989, remains one of the most striking examples. Despite investigations, identified perpetrators and repeated promises over the decades, justice remains elusive.

Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, victim of 1989 assassination in Kashmir

The murder of Pt. Tika Lal Taploo on September 14, 1989, marked the beginning of a dark chapter that would culminate in the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits only months later. His assassination was followed by the killings of Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, broadcaster Lassa Kaul and hundreds of others whose only “crime” was their identity.

For every well-known victim, there were countless ordinary Kashmiri Pandits—teachers, government employees, traders, farmers, women, children and elderly citizens—whose stories rarely entered official records. Many were shot in their homes. Others were abducted and murdered. Many families never even saw justice begin.

Killed by militants and Forgotten!.. As no investigation in their cases.
Forgotten: KIlled by Militants!...Awaiting Justice

The Tragedy Beyond the Valley

Thousands who survived terrorism succumbed during exile. The scorching summers of Jammu’s refugee camps, snakebites, disease, inadequate healthcare and unbearable living conditions claimed numerous lives. These deaths may not have occurred at gunpoint, but they were inseparable from the displacement forced upon an entire community.

In those early years, before mobile phones or social media connected scattered families, news of another death travelled through brief newspaper notices. Displaced Pandits gathered at Rajinder Park on Jammu’s Canal Road, where funeral rites that had traditionally been performed along the banks of the Vitasta were conducted in exile.

Rajinder Park became more than a cremation ground. It became a silent witness to a community mourning not only its dead but also the loss of its homeland.

Displaced Kashmiri Pandits, C/o Rajinder Park, Jammu.”
Displaced Kashmiri Pandits obituary newspaper notices Rajinder Park Jammu

Unsolved Killings

Today, more than three decades later, the reopening of one investigation cannot erase the larger reality. Hundreds of killings remain unresolved. Numerous families continue waiting for accountability. Witnesses have aged. Many parents died before seeing justice for their children. Survivors continue carrying memories that have never found closure.

The SIT’s action in the Sarla Bhat case should therefore be welcomed—not as the conclusion of a journey, but as its beginning.

Justice cannot be selective. If one forgotten case deserves investigation after thirty-six years, so do the hundreds of others whose files gather dust. Justice for Kashmiri Pandits cannot rest on symbolic reopenings alone; it requires sustained investigation, prosecution wherever possible, and an honest acknowledgement of the scale of the tragedy.

The reopening of a decades-old murder investigation raises difficult questions about delayed justice, institutional accountability and whether truth can still prevail after a generation has passed.

Every September 14, Kashmiri Pandits observe Martyrdom Day in memory of Pt. Tika Lal Taploo and all those who fell to terrorism. Candles are lit not merely to remember the dead but to affirm that their stories will not disappear into forgotten files.

For a community that has waited for more than three decades, hope still survives—but hope alone cannot substitute justice.

History remembers those who were killed.Justice must remember those who were left waiting.

When Jammu & Kashmir Donated Gold to India’s National Defence Fund

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
When Jammu & Kashmir Donated Gold to India’s National Defence Fund
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

History often remembers wars, treaties and political speeches. Yet, hidden within the pages of a rare 1963 history book lies an extraordinary account of patriotism that has almost vanished from public memory.

During the national emergency triggered by the Chinese aggression of 1962, the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir made a remarkable contribution to India’s National Defence Fund—not merely in cash, but in gold and silver from the State Treasury itself.

Front Page of Book: Kashmir Through Ages

The account appears in Gwasha Lal Kaul’s rare volume Kashmir Through the Ages (5000 B.C. to 1965 A.D.), a work that has become increasingly difficult to find today. Unlike many later narratives, Kaul was not writing decades after the events. He was documenting contemporary history as someone who had personally witnessed the transformation of Jammu & Kashmir during the first two decades after Independence.

A Veteran Journalist Turned Historian

Picture of veteran Kashmiri journalist and historian Gwasha Lal Kaul
Gwasha Lal Kaul: Historian, Author, Journalist

Gwasha Lal Kaul was no ordinary author. Long before writing this historical survey, he had established himself among Kashmir’s foremost journalists. He founded The Kashmir Times in 1934 and The Kashmir Chronicle in 1939, served as the President of the Kashmir Journalists’ Association, worked as correspondent for Reuters and the Associated Press of India, later became Director of News at Radio Kashmir and subsequently served in the Information Department of Jammu & Kashmir before returning to journalism. His book therefore combines the perspective of a historian with that of an eyewitness journalist.

Gold, Silver, Cash for the Nation

Kaul records that on 29 March, 1963 Jammu & Kashmir presented to the Finance Minister of India:

  • 1.9 lakh grams of gold
  • 5.83 lakh grams of silver
  • 168 gold sovereigns
  • A cheque of ₹30 lakh

The precious metals, he notes, were largely drawn from the Toshakhana Department and transferred to the National Defence Fund.

The financial contribution did not end there. Kaul further records that collections within the State had already crossed ₹50 lakh. Consequently, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad later presented another cheque of ₹10 lakh to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during the latter’s visit to Jammu & Kashmir on 18 June,  1963 as an additional contribution to the National Defence Fund.

According to the author, the State had by then contributed ₹30 lakh; an additional ₹10 lakh, 5½ maunds of gold, 15½ maunds of silver, thus making it one of the most significant contributions made by any Indian state during that period.

Page from Gwasha Lal Kaul's book Kashmir Through the Ages showing 1963 gold donations.
Forgotten for over six decades, this remarkable episode tells how Jammu & Kashmir stood with the nation by contributing precious metals and cash during the 1962 national emergency.

Nehru’s Message in Kashmir

Kaul also preserves an important contemporary statement delivered by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru while addressing workers during the visit. According to the book, Nehru observed that Pakistan had attempted to exploit Chinese aggression and had sought to pressure India at one of the most critical moments in its history. Despite these challenges, he reiterated that India remained committed to an honourable and equitable settlement, “but not for surrender.”

A Forgotten Chapter

Today, discussions about Jammu & Kashmir’s post-Independence history are frequently dominated by politics, conflict and constitutional developments. Yet, this episode reminds us that there was also a period when the State mobilised its financial resources—including gold and silver preserved in the Toshakhana—to support India’s national defence during a moment of external aggression.

It is a chapter that rarely finds mention in school textbooks, public commemorations or contemporary discourse.

Why This Story Matters

The significance of this episode lies not merely in the amount donated, but in what it represented. At a time when India was reeling from the 1962 Chinese invasion, Jammu & Kashmir publicly demonstrated solidarity through a substantial financial contribution that combined State resources with public collections. It reflected the political climate of the early 1960s, the functioning of the National Defence Fund, and the willingness of the State government under Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to participate visibly in the national effort.

More Hidden Gems in Gwasha Lal Kaul’s Book

This single volume is a treasure trove for historians because it goes far beyond kings and dynasties.  These scattered references, often occupying just a few paragraphs, provide fertile ground for reconstructing the social, economic and political history of Jammu & Kashmir in the decades immediately after Independence. Each deserves to be researched further using contemporary newspapers, government reports and Assembly debates.

Kashmir Rechords’ Note

Rather than treating Kashmir Through the Ages merely as another history book, it should be read as a primary contemporary source compiled by one of Kashmir’s pioneering journalists. Its value lies not only in its account of ancient history but also in preserving countless details of everyday governance, development, economics and public life in Jammu & Kashmir during the 1950s and early 1960s—details that have largely escaped modern historical writing.

ALSO READ:

Gwasha Lal Kaul: Kashmir’s prominent Journalist of pre-Independent era

Veer Savarkar in Kashmir: The forgotten 1942 visit that energised Hindu student activism in Srinagar

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Veer Savarkar in Kashmir: The forgotten 1942 visit that energised Hindu student activism in Srinagar

By Dr. Rajesh Bhat*

The summer of 1942 witnessed a little-known yet historically significant chapter regarding Veer Savarkar in Kashmir—a visit to Srinagar by the then President of the Hindu Mahasabha. While historians have extensively chronicled Savarkar’s national political role, his Kashmir tour and its influence on the emerging Hindu student movement in the Valley remain largely absent from mainstream narratives.

Newly examined archival material, preserved and placed in the public domain by the National Archives of India, including the proceedings of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference (October 14–16, 1945) and the address delivered by its Reception Committee Chairman, Lachmi Narayan Dhar, helps reconstruct this forgotten chapter of Kashmir’s socio-political history. The documents, assessed by Kashmir Rechords, not only shed light on Savarkar’s visit but also reveal the remarkable role played by a little-known Kashmiri activist whose contributions have remained largely unrecognised.

Kashmir’s Political Climate

The 1930s and early 1940s were years of intense political ferment in Jammu and Kashmir. The communal disturbances of 1931 and the subsequent political mobilisations profoundly affected the outlook of Kashmiri Hindu youth. A growing sense of insecurity, coupled with concerns regarding educational opportunities and political representation, encouraged young Hindus to organise themselves.

According to Lachmi Narayan Dhar’s address to the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference in 1945, restrictions on Hindu students in educational institutions, perceived discrimination in scholarships and appointments, and increasing communal tensions created an atmosphere that encouraged collective action. Dhar records that the first attempt to establish a Hindu Students Federation emerged in 1938. Another student organisation followed in 1939 after tensions erupted at Sri Pratap College.

Archival document of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students Conference 1945
The Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference-1945. The first one was held in 1942.

The movement gained further momentum in 1940 when Hindu students reacted to what Dhar described as anti-Hindu propaganda within educational institutions. These developments laid the foundation for a broader student mobilisation that would soon receive a major boost from an unexpected source.

When News of Savarkar’s Visit Reached Kashmir

The turning point came in May 1942 when news spread that Swatantrya Veer Savarkar would be visiting Kashmir in the month of July 1942. At the time, Savarkar was among the most influential political figures associated with the Hindu Mahasabha and commanded considerable attention among Hindu youth across the country.

One of the individuals most deeply involved in preparing for the visit was a Kashmiri Pandit, Lachmi Narayan Dhar, who would later emerge as a central figure in Kashmir’s Hindu student movement. In his 1945 address, Dhar recalls how the anticipation surrounding Savarkar’s arrival inspired Kashmiri Hindu students to create a broad-based organisation capable of uniting Hindu youth across educational institutions.

Describing the developments, Dhar wrote:

“A strong Hindu Students’ Union was formed with a Harijan student as its President and myself as General Secretary.”

The statement is significant because it demonstrates that the organisers consciously sought to project social inclusiveness and broader community participation within the movement. At a time when caste divisions remained prevalent across India, the election of a“ Harijan’’ student as President reflected a deliberate attempt to present a united front.

Archival document that makes mention of Veer Sarvakar's visit to Kashmir in 1942.
National Archives of India document makes a mention of Veer Sarvakar’s visit to Kashmir in 1942

The Forgotten Architect: Lachmi Narayan Dhar

The story of Savarkar’s Kashmir visit cannot be told without acknowledging the pivotal role played by Lachmi Narayan Dhar, one of the overlooked figures of pre-Independence Kashmir.

The archival record identifies him as General Secretary of the Hindu Students’ Union in 1942, Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference in 1945, President of the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, and a member of the Working Committee of the All India Hindu Students Federation with M.A LLB as his qualification.

Dhar was not merely an organiser. He is believed to have served as a bridge between local Kashmiri concerns and broader all-India Hindu student networks. His speeches reveal a leader deeply involved in educational reform, social mobilisation and political awareness among Hindu youth. The archival records further suggest that he maintained close contact with national leaders and played a crucial role in connecting Kashmiri students with wider national movements.

First Hindu Students’ Conference: A Landmark Gathering

The organisational work undertaken in preparation for Savarkar’s visit culminated in what appears to have been the First Hindu Students’ Conference in Kashmir. Held on 16–17 July 1942 at D.A.V. High School, Srinagar, the conference was presided over by Veer Savarkar and inaugurated by Captain Keshav Chandra of Amritsar.

According to the 1945 conference proceedings, the gathering of 1942 conference had attracted several distinguished personalities, including Raja Narindra Nath and Harbans Singh, then President of the All India Hindu Students Federation, besides numerous leaders from Punjab and Kashmir.

Lachmi Narayan Dhar described the event as an “unparalleled success” attended by nearly 10,000 people—an extraordinary figure considering the communication and transportation limitations of the period.

The conference represented one of the earliest organised attempts to connect Kashmiri Hindu students with wider all-India student and socio-political networks. It also demonstrated the growing confidence of a generation of Kashmiri Hindu youth determined to engage with national developments.

Building a Student Movement Across Kashmir

The momentum generated by the 1942 conference did not dissipate after Savarkar’s departure. Instead, it appears to have strengthened and expanded.

The proceedings of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference reveal that by 1945 the organisation had established eight active branches across educational institutions. It enjoyed representation in student councils and had attracted the patronage of lawyers, professors, journalists and public leaders. It was also affiliated with the All India Hindu Students Federation, linking Kashmir’s student movement to a wider national framework.

These developments indicate that the movement had evolved far beyond a single conference or personality-driven initiative. It had become an organised platform addressing educational, social and political issues affecting Hindu youth.

Savarkar’s Influence on Kashmiri Hindu Youth

The archival records indicate that Savarkar’s influence on Kashmiri Hindu students was both ideological and organisational. His visit encouraged student unity across districts, greater participation in public life, educational activism and closer engagement with national political debates.

The language employed in the 1945 conference proceedings clearly reflects the concerns that dominated sections of Hindu public discourse during the final years of British rule. Opposition to the Pakistan demand, apprehensions regarding communal politics and debates over constitutional arrangements featured prominently in the discussions. Savarkar’s call for Hindu consolidation appears to have found a receptive audience among sections of Kashmiri Hindu youth who felt politically vulnerable amid rapidly changing circumstances.

A Forgotten Chapter Deserving Wider Recognition

Today, as historians revisit the lesser-known dimensions of pre-1947 Kashmir, the story of Veer Savarkar’s visit, the pioneering efforts of Lachmi Narayan Dhar and the rise of organised Hindu student activism deserves greater scholarly attention.

The surviving conference proceedings provide a rare window into a generation of young Kashmiris who sought to shape their future at a time when the destiny of the entire subcontinent hung in the balance. They also bring into focus the contributions of individuals like Lachmi Narayan Dhar, whose role in mobilising and organising Hindu students in Kashmir has largely remained outside mainstream historical narratives.

The events of 1942 and the years that followed demonstrate that student activism in pre-Independence Kashmir was far more organised, connected and politically aware than commonly understood. As more archival material comes to light, the story of these young activists—and the leaders who inspired them—promises to add important new dimensions to the history of Jammu and Kashmir.

[To be continued… Kashmir Rechords will soon publish a detailed account of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference (1945), its resolutions, speeches, delegates and historical significance.]

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication. He has devoted considerable effort to documenting the overlooked socio-cultural, historical and archival narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. He is a co-founder of the Kashmir Rechords Foundation.

Also Read:

Breaking the Myth: Kashmiri Pandits in the Late 19th Century

June 1, 1990: When Kheer Bhawani Shrine stood almost Empty

Kashmir Rechords
-
1
June 1, 1990: When Kheer Bhawani Shrine stood almost Empty
By: Rajesh Bhat*

Thirty-six years have passed since Kashmiri Pandits began observing the annual Mela Kheer Bhawani in exile. Every year, when this sacred occasion arrives, hundreds of devotees return to Tulmulla. Politicians deliver speeches about peace and brotherhood. Old friends meet. Cameras flash. The temple complex resonates with prayers, laughter and memories.

Yet, amid the crowds and ceremonies, one memory refuses to fade. It is the memory of June 1, 1990.

I remember that day not as a spectator, but as a witness! I was then a young journalist with Daily Excelsior, assisting the Kashmir Desk. The Valley was passing through one of the darkest chapters in its history. Fear had settled over Kashmir like a thick fog. Thousands of Kashmiri Pandits had already fled their homes. Entire neighbourhoods had fallen silent. Familiar faces had vanished overnight.

Haunting Silence of Mela Kheer Bhawani in 1990

And on that day, when the annual Mela Kheer Bhawani should have transformed Tulmulla into a sea of devotion, I found myself standing before a shrine that seemed abandoned by time itself. The silence was frightening!

June 1, 1990: When Kheer Bhawani Shrine Stood Almost Empty

The majestic Chinar trees still stood where they had stood for centuries, their branches spread wide over the sacred spring. But beneath them there were no pilgrims. No women carrying offerings. No children running between the temple pathways. No groups singing bhajans through the night. No Kashmiri Leelas. No laughter. No bustle…..Only silence….A silence so deep that even the rustling of leaves sounded like a prayer.

The shrine, which had for generations welcomed thousands of devotees, looked deserted. The mighty Chinars appeared like grieving sentinels, guarding a sacred place suddenly emptied of its people. For the first time in living memory, the Yatra had disappeared.

Security personnel occupied positions around the complex. Many of them had recently arrived in Kashmir and perhaps knew little about the centuries-old traditions associated with the Shrine. Their rifles and uniforms stood in stark contrast to the spiritual atmosphere that usually defined the place.

That year, the Valley was under extraordinary tension. Coincidentally, on the same day (June 1, 1990), fifteen-year-old Omar Farooq was being installed as the new Mirwaiz of Kashmir following the assassination of his father, Mirwaiz Maulvi Farooq, just days earlier. Every road, every locality, every conversation seemed overshadowed by uncertainty.

As I walked through the temple complex, absorbing the emptiness around me, my eyes fell upon a solitary figure. In one corner of the shrine stood a lone Kashmiri Pandit. He appeared almost inseparable from the temple itself!

While thousands had left under the pressure of fear and circumstances, he had chosen to remain. Associated with a government media organisation, he had refused to abandon the Shrine. Day after day, month after month, he remained there, ensuring that the sacred traditions of Mata Kheer Bhawani did not completely disappear from the Valley.

His presence moved me deeply. He stood there not merely as an individual but as a symbol of continuity. A symbol of faith refusing to surrender. A symbol of a civilisation determined not to vanish.

In those difficult days, he quietly began contacting fellow Kashmiri Pandit employees who were still scattered across Kashmir, working under constant uncertainty. Unexpectedly, help also came from some local Muslims who revered Mata Kheer Bhawani and understood the significance of the shrine.

Glimmer of Hope: Two Tulmulla Pilgrimage Buses

Tulmulla 1990: The Year the Pilgrims Disappeared

Through their collective efforts, contact was established with representatives of the Kashmir Motor Drivers Association. Despite the prevailing tension, arrangements were somehow made for two buses to travel to the shrine.

Hours passed. The temple remained largely silent.Then, sometime later, the distant sound of engines broke the stillness.

Two buses appeared. I still remember watching them approach the temple gates. Slowly, men and women stepped down.

There were not many of them. Their faces reflected exhaustion, uncertainty and anxiety. Yet beneath all that was something stronger—an unshakeable desire to stand before their Goddess.

Some had travelled despite fear. Some despite warnings. Some despite not knowing what awaited them. But they had come.

Not because conditions were safe. Not because circumstances were favourable. But because faith demanded their presence.

As they entered the shrine, the atmosphere changed. The temple was no longer empty. The Goddess was no longer alone.

The puja that followed was perhaps the most emotional religious ceremony I have ever witnessed. There were no grand arrangements.No festive crowds.No elaborate celebrations.Yet every mantra carried extraordinary weight.Every offering seemed precious.Every prayer sounded like a plea, a remembrance and a promise all at once.

The devotees performed every ritual with utmost devotion. Many eyes were moist.Some prayers remained unspoken.

Everyone understood that they were participating in something far greater than a religious ceremony.They were preserving a civilisational thread.

For months, the shrine had remained under security watch, sustained largely by the devotion of that lone Pandit who had vowed never to abandon it. On that June day, a handful of worshippers ensured that the centuries-old tradition of Kheer Bhawani would not be broken.

The years that followed remained difficult. Between 1991 and 1997, attendance at the shrine was sparse. Most visitors were government employees posted in Kashmir—staff from the Civil Secretariat, Accountant General’s office and various Central Government establishments. By 1997, pilgrims gradually began returning. The crowds slowly reappeared. Government transport was arranged. Private pilgrimages resumed. Politicians started visiting. Public figures arrived. Even former militant leaders occasionally appeared, expressing solidarity and regret.

Today, the shrine once again witnesses thousands of visitors. Tourist buses arrive daily. The pathways are crowded. Devotees offer prayers before returning to their homes in Kashmir and across the globe.

The crowds that gather at Tulmulla nowadays are a welcome sight. Yet they should also remember that there was a time when the shrine stood almost alone, waiting patiently for its children to return.

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication. He has devoted considerable effort to documenting the overlooked socio-cultural, historical and archival narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. He is a co-founder of the Kashmir Rechords Foundation.

Mali Bee: J&K’s First Woman Padma Awardee Whom History Forgot

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Mali Bee: J&K’s First Woman Padma Awardee Whom History Forgot
By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat*

History often remembers kings, generals and politicians. Yet some of its greatest heroes emerge from humble homes, perform extraordinary deeds in moments of national crisis, receive the Nation’s highest honours, and then slowly disappear from public memory.

The story of Mali Bee of Jhangar, Rajouri, is one such tale.

Long before discussions on women empowerment became fashionable, before government campaigns celebrated women achievers, and before Jammu and Kashmir’s daughters began making national headlines, a simple village woman from a frontier became a symbol of courage and patriotism.

For her exceptional service to the Nation, Mali Bee was awarded the Padma Shri in 1966, becoming the first woman from Jammu and Kashmir to receive one of India’s highest civilian honours.

Yet today, her name is scarcely known outside a handful of historians, old soldiers and residents of Rajouri.

Even more remarkably, Jhanghar’s Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din, was himself a national hero, decorated with the Ashok Chakra, India’s highest peacetime gallantry award.

Jammu Kashmir’s First Padma Shri woman recipient and the Ashok Chakra recipient , both from Jhanghar village: The Unsung Heroes.

A Frontier Village That Produced Heroes

The village of Jhangar occupies a special place in the military history of Jammu and Kashmir.

Situated in the Rajouri sector, it became one of the fiercest battlegrounds during the tribal invasion of 1947-48. The area later witnessed military activity during the wars of 1965 and 1971 as well.

For the people living there, patriotism was not a slogan. It was a matter of survival. Villagers routinely found themselves caught between infiltrators, military operations and enemy aggression. Every decision carried risks.It was in this atmosphere that Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din emerged as extraordinary figures.

The Woman Who Chose the Nation Over Fear

Mali Bee was not educated in elite institutions. She held no public office. She possessed neither wealth nor influence. What she did possess was courage. At a time when infiltrators and hostile elements attempted to establish influence in border areas, Mali Bee stood firmly on the side of India. According to contemporary accounts, she rendered invaluable assistance that frustrated enemy designs and strengthened the hands of those defending the region.

Her patriotism came at a time when choosing the Nation often meant risking one’s life. The dangers were real. People suspected of helping Indian forces could face intimidation, violence or death. Yet Mali Bee never wavered. The Government of India eventually recognised her exceptional contribution by conferring upon her the Padma Shri in 1966.

The honour was more than an award. It was a national acknowledgement that extraordinary courage can emerge from the most ordinary circumstances. For Jammu and Kashmir, the recognition was historic.

A village woman from Rajouri had become one of the earliest and most distinguished female recipients of a national civilian honour from the erstwhile state.

An Extraordinary Ashok Chakra recipient

If Mali Bee’s story is inspiring, the story of her village-mate makes it even more remarkable. Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din was not merely from Jhanghar. He too was a hero in his own right. A respected religious figure, he rendered exceptional service during critical periods of conflict and earned the admiration of both civilians and military personnel.

For his courage and dedication, he received the Ashok Chakra, India’s highest peacetime gallantry decoration.

The image of the elderly Maulvi proudly displaying his Ashok Chakra in a 1986 newspaper feature ( Kashmir Times) is a powerful reminder of a generation that viewed service to the Nation as a sacred duty.

Together, Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din formed a remarkable partnership.One received the Padma Shri. The other received the Ashok Chakra. Both served India in their own ways. Both became symbols of loyalty, sacrifice and courage. And both came from the same humble village.

Kashmir Times newspaper clipping (January 16, 1986)

Recognition Without Remembrance

The tragedy of their story lies not in what happened during their lifetimes but in what happened afterward.

Despite receiving some of the country’s highest honours, neither Mali Bee nor Ghulam-ud-Din occupies the place they deserve in Jammu and Kashmir’s public memory. There are no widely known biographies. Few educational institutions teach their story. Most young people in Jammu and Kashmir have never heard their names. Even official commemorations rarely mention them.

The passage of time has reduced their achievements to scattered references in archives, fading photographs and ageing newspaper reports.

Forgotten Face of Women’s Empowerment

The neglect of Mali Bee’s legacy is particularly unfortunate. Modern discourse rightly celebrates women achievers from Jammu and Kashmir in administration, sports, science and politics. Yet the story of a rural woman who displayed exceptional courage during one of the most turbulent periods in the region’s history receives little attention. Mali Bee embodied women’s empowerment long before the phrase entered public vocabulary.

She demonstrated that patriotism has no gender. She proved that courage does not depend on social status. And she showed that ordinary women can shape extraordinary history. Her life challenges the assumption that women were merely silent witnesses to the conflicts that shaped Jammu and Kashmir.

A Legacy Worth Reclaiming

The story of Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din is not merely about two individuals.It is about a generation that placed national interest above personal safety.It is about ordinary citizens who became extraordinary patriots.And it is about the responsibility of society to remember those who helped build the Nation.As India continues to celebrate its heroes, the names of Mali Bee and Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din deserve renewed recognition.Their contributions should find a place in school textbooks, public memorials, academic research and popular discourse.

Perhaps the most tragic aspect of their story is not what they endured during their lives, but what happened after. As decades passed, the names of Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din slowly disappeared from public conversations. New generations grew up without hearing about them. Official commemorations became rare. Academic attention remained limited.

Today, when Jammu and Kashmir seeks to preserve its rich and diverse history, the story of Mali Bee and Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din deserves renewed attention. Their lives challenge us to reconsider who we choose to remember.

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D in Journalism and Mass Communication. He is deeply engaged in documenting the neglected socio-cultural and historical narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. As one of the founders of Kashmir Rechords Foundation, he works towards preserving archival heritage, recovering forgotten stories and bringing unsung personalities of the region into the public domain.

Site Icon

Do you know of other unsung heroes from the region whose stories deserve to be told? Let us know in the comments below.

When US Congman backed a ‘Secured Distt’ for Kashmiri Pandits!

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
When US Congman backed a ‘Secured Distt’ for Kashmiri Pandits!

— Kashmir Rechords Special Research Feature

A faded newspaper clipping from May 1997 has resurfaced at a time when the debate surrounding the return, rehabilitation and political future of Kashmiri Pandits is once again gaining attention. The clipping records an extraordinary intervention report with Washington dateline, May 28 wherein U.S. Congressman Sherrod Brown urging the then Prime Minister I.K. Gujral to consider the creation of a “secured district” in Jammu and Kashmir for displaced Kashmiri Pandits.

Nearly three decades later, the proposal remains relevant because it touches upon the central dilemma confronting the community since the 1990 exodus: Can Kashmiri Pandits return merely as individuals, or can they return as a secure and politically protected community? The question has remained unresolved despite the passage of 35 years.

A Forgotten International endorsement

The 1997 report written by veteran journalist T V Parasuram and the newspaper clipping preserved by  Kashmir Rechords  stated that US Congressman Sherrod Brown had suggested the establishment of a protected district for displaced Pandits and describing the continued inability of the community to return to their homes due to terrorism and insecurity. The proposal was presented as a humanitarian and security-oriented measure rather than a separatist political project.

The timing is significant.

By 1997, the exodus had entered its seventh year. Thousands of families continued to live in migrant camps in Jammu and elsewhere while targeted attacks on the remaining Pandits continued. The Sangrampora massacre would occur the same year, followed by Wandhama in 1998 and Nadimarg in 2003, reinforcing fears regarding the security of minorities in the Valley.

Brown’s proposal reflected a growing realization among observers that the return of Pandits could not be treated merely as a relief-and-rehabilitation issue.

The Shadow of Margdarshan 1991

The US Congressman’s proposal did not emerge in a vacuum.

Six years earlier, in December 1991, Panun Kashmir  had adopted `Margdarshan Resolution‘, demanding a separate homeland for Kashmiri Hindus within the Valley under Indian sovereignty, similarly as Brown had pressed for “secured district’’ under Central Government.

The resolution represented the first organized political articulation of the collective trauma experienced by the displaced community.

What Sherrod Brown proposed as a “secured district” bore a striking resemblance to some of the practical objectives underlying the homeland demand, even if the terminology differed.

For homeland advocates, the issue was never simply about houses or compensation. It was about political survival.

Why US Congman take up the issue?

Several factors likely contributed to Brown’s intervention.

The 1990s witnessed global discussions on ethnic cleansing, minority rights and protected communities following conflicts in Bosnia, Rwanda and elsewhere. The disappearance of an entire indigenous minority from Kashmir naturally attracted attention among human rights circles.

Further, the early Kashmiri Pandit diaspora in North America had begun lobbying lawmakers, academics and policy institutions. Although small in number, these groups were highly educated and politically engaged. Their efforts ensured that the plight of displaced Pandits was occasionally raised in congressional circles.

By 1997 it had become obvious that the expectation of an early return had failed. The displaced population had already spent seven years in exile. A secured district was therefore viewed as a mechanism to create conditions for return rather than wait indefinitely for conditions to improve.

Why demand failed to gain momentum?

This is perhaps the most important historical question.

If the Margdarshan Resolution existed in 1991 and a U.S. Congressman publicly advocated a secured district in 1997, why did the proposal fail to translate into political reality? Why did Kashmiri Pandit organisations within India and abroad not pursue the idea more aggressively?

Part of the answer lies in the circumstances of the time. The first generation of displaced Kashmiri Pandits was struggling for survival. Families were rebuilding shattered lives in Jammu, Delhi and elsewhere, grappling with economic hardship, displacement, loss of property and uncertain futures. Political mobilization often took a back seat to immediate concerns of livelihood and education.

The diaspora itself was still in its formative stage. Unlike several other exile communities that enjoyed institutional backing and substantial international networks, Kashmiri Pandit organizations remained fragmented and resource-constrained. While the Margdarshan Resolution articulated a clear political vision, it did not receive sustained support from either the Indian state or influential international actors.

Moreover, successive governments preferred to frame the issue in terms of relief, rehabilitation and eventual return, rather than political restructuring or territorial safeguards. The larger Kashmir conflict—dominated by militancy, counter-insurgency and India-Pakistan tensions—often overshadowed the distinct concerns of the displaced Pandit community.

As a result, proposals such as a homeland, secured district or protected zone remained part of public discourse but never evolved into actionable policy.

Global Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora returns to Kashmir

Against this historical backdrop, the recent visit of the Global Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora (GKPD) to Kashmir assumes considerable significance.

Unlike the exile generation of the 1990s, the contemporary diaspora includes successful professionals, entrepreneurs, academics and second-generation Pandits from across the world. Their visit reflected a new phase in the Kashmiri Pandit discourse, though not without criticism and debate within sections of the community.

Reports emerging from the conclave, interactions and press conferences highlighted the need for a secure and dignified return, while also stressing cultural revival, heritage preservation and institutional support for the community’s future in the Valley. The emphasis appeared to be on creating sustainable mechanisms of return rather than limiting engagement to symbolic visits.

For many participants, the focus was on reconnecting with Kashmir and exploring practical pathways for the community’s reintegration. For critics, however, any discussion of return without addressing the unresolved questions of security, political representation and constitutional safeguards risked repeating the mistakes of the past.

A New debate emerges

The recent diaspora engagement has also exposed a continuing ideological divide within the community.

One section believes:

  • The time has come for practical engagement.
  • Return must begin through confidence-building measures.
  • Economic and cultural reintegration should be prioritized.

Another section argues:

  • Security guarantees remain inadequate.
  • Political safeguards must precede return.
  • The original homeland demand remains relevant.

This debate is not new. It mirrors the discussions that have existed since the early 1990s. What has changed is that a new generation—many of whom were born outside Kashmir or grew up in exile—is now participating in shaping the future discourse.

Looking back at 1997

The Sherrod Brown proposal deserves renewed attention because it demonstrates that international observers recognised a fundamental reality long ago.

The issue facing Kashmiri Pandits was never merely one of displacement. It was the challenge of ensuring the collective security and continuity of an indigenous minority that had been virtually uprooted from its historic homeland.

The Congressman called it a secured district.Panun Kashmir called it a homeland. Successive governments called it rehabilitation.The diaspora today speaks of dignified return.

Different expressions have been used over the decades, but the underlying concern has remained remarkably consistent as thirty-six years after the exodus, the Kashmiri Pandit question continues to revolve around four interconnected themes: justice, security, return and political safeguards.

History suggests that no lasting solution can emerge by addressing only one of these dimensions. A sustainable future for Kashmiri Pandits will require not merely physical return, but a framework that addresses the community’s long-standing concerns regarding identity, security, representation and permanence.

The faded newspaper clipping from May 1997 is, therefore, more than a historical curiosity. It is a reminder that a question raised before the world nearly three decades ago remains unanswered:

How can Kashmiri Pandits return not merely to their homes, but to a future in which they feel secure, represented and rooted once again in the land of their ancestors?

Makhan Lal Saraf: The Man Who Became Kashmir’s Stage, Screen, Soul

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
Makhan Lal Saraf: The Man Who Became Kashmir’s Stage, Screen, Soul
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

There are artists who perform on stage, and then there are artists who become the stage itself.

For generations of Kashmiris, Makhan Lal Saraf was not just an actor, director, playwright or broadcaster. He was a cultural institution—a familiar face, a trusted voice and a creative force whose journey mirrors the evolution of modern Kashmiri theatre and television. Today, as the veteran artiste receives the prestigious Sangeet Natak Akademi Award, the Nation finally acknowledges a lifetime devoted to preserving, enriching and reinventing Kashmiri dramatic arts.

Born in Srinagar and largely self-taught, Saraf entered the world of theatre in 1957, when he joined the stage through Habba Khatoon, written by Amin Kamil and directed by Radhey Krishen Braroo. It was a modest beginning, but one that would grow into one of the longest and most distinguished careers in the performing arts of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Boy Who Fell in Love with Theatre

Theatre in Kashmir during the 1950s and 1960s was more than entertainment; it was a social movement. Young Makhan Lal Saraf came under the influence of stalwarts like Ved Lal Vakil, Kashi Nath Bhan, and later the legendary Pran Kishore, whose mentorship helped shape his artistic vision. He quickly became a leading figure in Kashmir’s vibrant community theatre movement.

Audiences were captivated by his performances in productions such as Krishen Sudama, Tapasya, Aaram Haraam Hai, Mangoo, Hero Machama, Badshah, Vitasta, Tipu Sultan and many others. His acting combined humour, sarcasm, pathos and realism in equal measure, making him instantly relatable to ordinary Kashmiris.

Professor Arvind Gigoo aptly observed that Saraf blended humour, wisdom and social commentary so naturally that audiences embraced him as one of their own. His performances transformed community theatre into a powerful medium of social reflection.

A scene from play `Budshah’, written by A K Rehbar and directed by Makhan Lal Saraf, who also performed Budshah’s role.

The Voice that Entered Every Kashmiri Home

While theatre made him famous, radio made him immortal.

Beginning in 1958, Saraf became associated with Radio Kashmir, where his rich voice and remarkable versatility earned him the coveted status of an A-Grade Drama Artist. Over the decades, he performed in more than 500 radio plays, becoming one of the most recognizable voices in Kashmiri broadcasting.

The golden era of Radio Kashmir owes much to artists like him. In fact, broadcasting legend Padma Shri Pran Kishore described Saraf as an integral part of his creative journey in radio, theatre and films, calling him “a name to be reckoned with in theatre and television.”

Whether in serials such as Akh Oas Pohla, Vital Pacheesi, Vyth Rooz Pakan and Hero Machama, or in countless standalone dramas, Saraf’s voice carried stories into homes scattered across mountains, villages and towns.

A Pioneer of Kashmiri Television

When television arrived in Kashmir, Saraf was among its earliest architects.

Associated with Doordarshan Srinagar from the early years, he emerged as a top-category television artist, actor, producer, director and writer. His contribution to Kashmiri television is staggering. He wrote over 100 television serials and plays, acted in dozens more, and helped shape the language and grammar of television drama in the region.

Generations remember productions like Buniyaad, Pazar Yeli Mood, Shaher-i-Napursan, Manzil Nika, Reza Reza, Gulam Daag, Sindbad Machama, Nooristan, Samanbal and many others that bore his creative imprint.

Long before streaming platforms and digital content, Saraf had mastered the art of telling local stories with universal appeal.

A scene from Heemal Naigrai (1958) at at open air theatre at Hazoori Bagh, Srinagar.

Actor, Director, Playwright—All in One

Few artistes have worn as many creative hats as Makhan Lal Saraf.

He acted in more than forty major stage productions, directed numerous award-winning plays, and authored acclaimed scripts that explored social realities, moral dilemmas and human relationships.

His productions attracted some of Kashmir’s finest literary minds. Playwrights such as Ali Mohammad Lone, Pushkar Bhan, Moti Lal Kemmu, Bansi Nirdosh, Sajood Sailani, Hriday Kaul Bharti, and Avtar Krishen Rehbar wrote works that Saraf brought to life through his organisations and productions.

His play Rathwanday Maliniyo was staged at the National School of Drama International Festival in 2014, while his adaptation of Nove Gash drew inspiration from Rabindranath Tagore. His Kashmiri rendering of Dr. Faustus demonstrated his ability to connect world classics with local cultural sensibilities.

The Custodian of Kashmiri Theatre

Saraf’s contribution extended far beyond performance.

He founded Rungmunch Dramatic Club in 1967, Kashmir Theatres in 1973, and later the Bhoorang Foundation in Jammu, creating platforms that nurtured countless actors, writers and directors.

After the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990, Saraf carried the theatre movement with him to Jammu. Rather than surrender to despair, he rebuilt cultural institutions and kept the Kashmiri dramatic tradition alive in exile. His initiatives ensured that theatre remained a bridge between memory and identity for a displaced community.

In 1994, he launched the Sadbhavana Drama Festival in Jammu, further strengthening cultural dialogue during difficult times.

Scholar, Historian, Mentor

What distinguishes Saraf from many performers is his scholarly engagement with theatre.

His book “Theatre Movement in Kashmir” became so influential that it was prescribed in the Kashmiri Department of the University of Kashmir. He also authored “From Actor to Artist”, a guide for aspiring performers, and wrote extensively for journals published by cultural institutions including the Sangeet Natak Akademi.

Recognising his contribution to theatre studies, the Ministry of Culture, Government of India, awarded him a Senior Fellowship to research the history and folk traditions of Kashmiri theatre.

For decades, he also served as an adjudicator, mentor and workshop resource person, guiding younger generations of theatre practitioners.

(Makhan Lal Saraf performing in Vitasta, written by Dina Nath Nadim
Makhan Lal Saraf performing as Tipu Sultan
( Makhan Lal Saraf as Tipu Sultan)

The Long Road to Recognition

Awards followed him throughout his career—Best Actor honours, Best Director awards, script awards, lifetime achievement recognitions, and the J&K Government’s State Award for Performing Arts. Yet none perhaps carries the symbolic weight of the Sangeet Natak Akademi Award.

For Kashmir’s theatre fraternity, the honour is deeply emotional. It celebrates not only a remarkable individual but also a generation that built cultural institutions with passion rather than resources.

A Living Archive of Kashmir

Today, when many of the pioneers of Kashmiri theatre have faded into memory, Makhan Lal Saraf remains a living archive of that glorious tradition.

He has witnessed the journey from open-air performances at Srinagar’s parks to television studios, from analogue radio dramas to digital storytelling, from a thriving cultural landscape to displacement and reconstruction. Through every upheaval, he never abandoned theatre.

That perhaps is his greatest achievement.

The Sangeet Natak Akademi Award recognizes an artist. But for Kashmir, it honours something larger—the resilience of a culture, the endurance of memory, and the extraordinary journey of a man who spent nearly seventy years ensuring that the Kashmiri story continued to be told.

Makhan Lal Saraf did not merely act in Kashmir’s cultural history. He helped write it.

Source Note

The article draws upon details furnished by Shri Makhan Lal Saraf in discussions with the Kashmir Records Foundation at Jammu. The accompanying photographs have been procured through special arrangement and are published courtesy of Shri Makhan Lal Saraf.

The Forgotten Ordeal of Sarwanand Kaul Premi’s Family

Kashmir Rechords
-
0
The Forgotten Ordeal of Sarwanand Kaul Premi’s Family
(Kashmir Rechords Research Desk)

The story of Sarwanand Kaul Premi is often told as one of the most tragic chapters in Kashmir’s modern history. A celebrated poet, Gandhian thinker, journalist, social reformer and one of the finest literary voices of Kashmir, Premi was abducted and brutally murdered by militants in April 1990 along with his young son Virender Kaul. His martyrdom has been remembered in books, seminars, literary tributes, documentaries and commemorative events. His name survives in the collective memory of Kashmir as a symbol of scholarship, humanity, and the syncretic spirit that once defined the Valley.

4. Sarwanand Kaul Premi's Legacy and the Untold Pain of Those He Left Behind

Yet, hidden behind the public remembrance of the man is a far less known story—the story of the family he had left behind.

It is a story not merely of bereavement, but of abandonment.

A Family Shattered Overnight

When militants took away Sarwanand Kaul Premi and his son Virender from their home in south Kashmir in April 1990, they did not merely kill two individuals. They shattered an entire family.

The elderly poet was gone. His young son, with his whole life ahead of him, was gone. Behind them remained grieving parents, widows, sisters, brothers, and children trying to comprehend an unimaginable loss.

For the family, the horror did not end with the recovery of the mutilated bodies. Like thousands of other Kashmiri Pandits, they soon found themselves uprooted from their ancestral homeland.

Within weeks, the surviving members of the family migrated to Jammu carrying little more than memories and grief.

1. After the Killing of Sarwanand Kaul Premi and His Son, a Family Was Left to Fend for Itself

From Reverence to Refugeehood

The irony was cruel. The man whose writings had enriched Kashmiri literature, whose translations had brought spiritual texts closer to ordinary people, and whose life had been devoted to social harmony, was now gone. His family, instead of finding solace and support, found themselves struggling for survival.

A revealing report published by Kashmir Times in June 1990, and preserved by Kashmir Rechords, noted that despite public announcements regarding relief and rehabilitation for victims of militancy, the assurances had not translated into meaningful assistance for Premi’s family. The surviving members of Premi had reached Jammu with what they described as a “heavy heart,” only to encounter official indifference.

Nowhere to Live, Nothing to Eat

The words attributed to the family in the report remain haunting even today. Having lost two members, the family spoke of having no source of income, no permanent shelter and no certainty about the future.

Their ancestral home had been left behind. Their books, manuscripts, newspapers, personal papers and literary valuables—an intellectual treasure accumulated over decades—remained in Kashmir.

More painful was the fear that these possessions had either been destroyed, looted, or lost forever. For a literary family, this was not merely a material loss. It was the destruction of a lifetime’s intellectual inheritance.

The family lamented that despite the death of two members at the hands of militants, they had received no meaningful relief.

The Surviving Son’s Agony

Particularly moving were the words of Rajinder Kaul, Premi’s surviving son. Still reeling from the murder of his father and brother, he worried not about himself but about the future of his sisters. The emotional burden placed upon him was immense. Overnight, he had become the sole support of a traumatized family.

His grief was compounded by uncertainty.How was he to provide for the family? How was he to rebuild lives shattered by violence?

How was he to help his sisters overcome the trauma of losing a father and a brother in such horrific circumstances? These were questions for which there were no easy answers.

Contrast Between Public Mourning, Private Suffering

One striking detail in contemporary accounts is that the cremation of Sarwanand Kaul Premi and Virender was attended by thousands of people, many of them local Muslims from surrounding areas. The attendance reflected the respect Premi commanded across communities.

People came to mourn.People came to pay tribute.People came to acknowledge the loss.Yet once the funeral flames died down and the family crossed the Jawahar Tunnel into exile, the public spotlight faded.The family’s daily struggle for survival became largely invisible.

This contrast between collective mourning and institutional neglect remains one of the most poignant aspects of the story.

Recognition to Sarwanand Kaul Premi.

Recognition for the Martyr, Silence About the Family

Over the decades, Sarwanand Kaul Premi has rightly been remembered for his literary and moral stature.

Articles have been written about him.Seminars have recalled his contribution.His life and death have been cited as symbols of Kashmir’s lost pluralism.His name finds mention whenever discussions arise about intellectuals and cultural figures killed during the turbulent years of militancy.All of this recognition is deserved.

But far fewer people know what happened to the family after June 1990. Far fewer know of the hardships they faced as displaced persons in Jammu. Far fewer know that while Kashmir mourned a poet, his surviving family was struggling to secure the basics of life.

The tragedy of Premi is therefore not only the tragedy of a great son of the soil who was murdered for no crime other than his identity and convictions. It is also the tragedy of a family that, after losing its patriarch and a young son, found itself fighting another battle—against displacement, uncertainty, and neglect.

123...29Page 1 of 29