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THE ‘JKLF’ FILES: 1984

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July 18, 2026

(An Exclusive Kashmir Rechords’ Archival Investigation)

Based on rare newspaper archives, Parliamentary records and contemporaneous reports.

History has an extraordinary way of resurfacing.Sometimes it emerges from forgotten government files. Sometimes from fading photographs. And sometimes, from yellowing newspaper pages that continue to ask uncomfortable questions long after the headlines have disappeared.

One such forgotten chapter lies buried in the archives of 1984, when Jammu & Kashmir witnessed one of the most sensational political controversies of its time—a controversy centred on the alleged links between the then Chief Minister Dr. Farooq Abdullah and leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front (KLF), the organisation that later came to be widely known as the Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and was eventually banned in India under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

What transformed those allegations into a national political storm was not an intelligence report, nor a judicial inquiry.It was the persistence of a newspaper.

For nearly five months, Kashmir Times, the then most read and trusted newspaper, pursued the story with uncommon determination. Beginning with a categorical denial by Dr. Farooq Abdullah that he had ever met Amanullah Khan, one of the principal leaders of the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’, the newspaper responded with a succession of reports, rare photographs, published captions, and documentary references that it said contradicted the Chief Minister’s public stand.

Farooq Abdullah, reportedly seen with `JKLF' leader Ammanullah Khan

Kashmir Times archive clipping regarding Farooq Abdullah controversy

Every denial was followed by another publication. Every explanation invited another question. Every photograph intensified the controversy.

Within weeks, what had begun as a newspaper investigation had travelled beyond the editorial pages of Jammu to the floor of the Indian Parliament, where members sought answers from the Union Government regarding the reports then circulating in the public domain.

More than four decades later, many of those very newspaper pages and photographs continue to survive in archives, private collections and research repositories.

For the first time, Kashmir Rechords reconstructs this extraordinary episode through the original reports that shaped one of the defining political controversies of 1984.

The Denial

The controversy began with an unequivocal public denial.

According to contemporaneous newspaper reports, Chief Minister Dr. Farooq Abdullah denied having ever met Amanullah Khan, described in the reports as the leader of the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’.

Ordinarily, such a denial might have ended the matter.Instead, it became the beginning of one of the most remarkable investigative campaigns undertaken by a regional newspaper.

Rather than accepting the denial at face value, Kashmir Times turned to documentary material which it said had already appeared in newspapers published from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

Kashmir Times March 1984 archive clipping regarding Farooq Abdullah controversy — Kashmir Times, March 28, 1984.

The Photograph That Changed the Story

The newspaper’s first major report reproduced a photograph which, according to Kashmir Times, had originally appeared in the April 1982 issue of the Urdu newspaper Qaid, reportedly published from Muzaffarabad, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.The accompanying report stated that the Urdu caption identified the image as “a memorable photograph” of Amanullah Khan, described as Editor of Voice of Kashmir.

A response from Kashmir Times to the denial of Farooq Abdullah

More significantly, the report asserted that the photograph showed Dr. Farooq Abdullah wearing a garland carrying the badge of the Kashmir Liberation Front.The newspaper argued that the photograph directly challenged the Chief Minister’s denial that he had ever met Amanullah Khan. For Kashmir Times, the story had only begun.

One Photograph Became Many

Far from retreating after publishing the first image, Kashmir Times continued its investigation. In subsequent editions, the newspaper reproduced additional photographs which it claimed had also appeared in publications from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

One report claimed that the photographs established what it described as Dr. Farooq Abdullah’s links with the ‘Kashmir Liberation Front’. The accompanying caption made even more serious assertions.

According to the report, one of the photographs showed Dr. Abdullah taking an oath of allegiance to the “struggle for independence of Kashmir” before leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front during a visit to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

The report identified those present as including Amanullah Khan and G.M. Mir, identified as Editor of Qaid, which the report described as a supporter of the ‘Liberation Front’.

These were extraordinary claims, prominently published by the newspaper and presented as evidence that, according to Kashmir Times, contradicted the Chief Minister’s public denials.

The Controversy Deepens

As the reports multiplied, so did the political controversy.

Kashmir Times published another strongly worded report under the headline “A Lie Has No Legs,” arguing that the Chief Minister’s explanations regarding the photographs and his visit had changed over time.

The newspaper juxtaposed those explanations with the documentary material it had reproduced, contending that the contradictions themselves had become a matter of public concern.

The controversy was no longer confined to newspaper columns.It had become a national political issue.

From the Newsroom to Parliament

On 24 February 1984, the alleged Farooq Abdullah–KLF connection reached the Rajya Sabha.

Members questioned the Union Government regarding reports of Dr. Abdullah’s alleged contacts with leaders of the Kashmir Liberation Front during his stay in the United Kingdom.

A PTI report, carried by newspapers, regarding Farooq Abdullah’s alleged links with `JKLF’… February 24, 1984.

What had begun as a newspaper investigation had now entered the official proceedings of India’s Parliament.The issue was no longer merely political speculation.It had become a matter of national debate.

The Centre Enters the Picture

The controversy intensified further in June 1984.Reports quoting Central Government sources claimed that New Delhi possessed “definite evidence” relating to alleged links between Dr. Farooq Abdullah and extremist or pro-Pakistan elements.

Whether those claims were ultimately substantiated remains part of the larger historical debate. What is beyond dispute is that they reflected the rapidly deteriorating relationship between the Centre and the National Conference government in the months preceding the dramatic political developments of July 1984.

A Newspaper That Refused to Retreat

As pressure mounted, Dr. Farooq Abdullah accused Kashmir Times of conducting a campaign against him.The newspaper stood by its reports.

Maintaining that it was reproducing documentary material already available in published sources, it continued to publish further reports, photographs and questions relating to the controversy.

The confrontation became more than a dispute over photographs. It evolved into a defining contest between political authority and investigative journalism.

A Forgotten Chapter Revisited

Forty years later, the controversy has largely disappeared from public memory. The newspaper pages have yellowed. Many of the photographs survive only in fragile archives. Yet they continue to exist. They remain part of the documentary record of one of the most fiercely contested political episodes in the history of Jammu & Kashmir.

Whether one agrees with the conclusions drawn at the time or not, the reports, photographs, Parliamentary proceedings and official responses together form an important archival trail that deserves careful historical examination.

That is precisely what this Kashmir Rechords investigation sets out to do.

The Investigation Continues…

This is only the opening chapter of a comprehensive archival investigation.The complete dossier includes:

The original Kashmir Times reports published between February and June 1984.
Rare photographs reproduced during the controversy.
The complete chronology of the alleged Farooq Abdullah–KLF/JKLF controversy.
The original Qaid references and published captions.
The Rajya Sabha proceedings and Parliamentary questions.
The Centre’s “definite evidence” claim in context.
The political fallout that culminated in the events of July 1984.
High-resolution reproductions of rare newspaper pages with detailed historical analysis.

Support History. Preserve Archives

Investigations like these require months of locating forgotten newspapers, preserving fragile archives, verifying sources and reconstructing historical events from original documents.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation is committed to preserving this documentary heritage for future generations.If you value serious archival research—grounded in original sources rather than AI-generated narratives—and wish to support investigations that uncover forgotten histories, please consider making a contribution.Your support helps preserve history that might otherwise be lost forever. Contributors will receive access to the complete archival investigation, including all chapters, rare photographs and high-resolution newspaper reproductions.

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EDITORIAL DISCLAIMER

This investigation is an archival reconstruction based on contemporaneous newspaper reports, published photographs, Parliamentary proceedings and other historical records available in the public domain.

Kashmir Rechords reproduces and analyses these materials solely for historical, journalistic, educational and research purposes.

The reports, captions, photographs, statements and allegations discussed herein are presented as they were reported or published at the relevant time in 1984 and should be understood in their historical context. Their inclusion in this investigation should not be construed as an endorsement, verification or independent confirmation of every allegation or claim contained in those contemporaneous sources.This report seeks to document and preserve an important chapter of Jammu & Kashmir’s political history rather than to pronounce upon legal liability or historical guilt.

Copyright Notice

© Kashmir Rechords Foundation

All original research, compilation, chronology, annotations, editorial analysis, layouts and presentation are the intellectual property of Kashmir Rechords Foundation. Original newspaper pages remain subject to the rights, if any, of their respective publishers and are reproduced, as preserved, only for purposes of historical documentation, research, commentary and public interest in accordance with applicable law.

Unauthorized commercial reproduction of Kashmir Rechords’ original research, annotations, compilations and editorial work is prohibited without prior written permission.

‘Batta Loot’: When Kashmir’s Hindus became hidden victims on July 13, 1931

Kashmir Rechords

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July 13, 2026

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‘Batta Loot’: When Kashmir’s Hindus became hidden victims on July 13, 1931

(Kashmir Rechords Research Desk)

For generations, July 13, 1931 has been commemorated in Kashmir largely through a single narrative—that of those killed outside the Central Jail in Srinagar. Yet, hidden beneath political slogans and official commemorations lies another story, one preserved in contemporary documents, official correspondence and one remarkable book published within months of the disturbances.

That story belongs to the Kashmiri Pandits and other Hindu minorities who became victims of one of the first large-scale communal attacks in twentieth-century Kashmir.

Among Kashmiri Pandits, the day came to be remembered not merely as the day of jail firing, but as ” Batta Loot”—the day when Pandit homes, shops, temples and livelihoods were systematically looted and destroyed.The expression itself is significant.

In Kashmiri, “Batta” means Kashmiri Pandit, while “Loot” literally means plunder. Thus, ‘Batta Loot‘ became the community’s own remembrance of a day marked by violence, fear and dispossession rather than martyrdom.

This forgotten chapter finds detailed documentation in G.S. Raghavan’s 1931 book Warning of Kashmir, a work that was not only circulated officially by the Jammu & Kashmir Government but was also distributed among various departments for record and reference. Official correspondence dated January, 25 1932 and May 6,1932, now preserved in archival records, shows that the Government itself considered the publication important enough to circulate among departments.

Archival government correspondence page from 1932 regarding the official circulation of the book Warning of Kashmir

A Crisis Months in the Making

The disturbances of July 1931 did not emerge overnight.Throughout early 1931, communal tensions had steadily risen. Political grievances increasingly acquired a religious character, and inflammatory speeches began mobilising large crowds.

According to Raghavan, one figure assumed unusual prominence during this period—Abdul Qadeer, a cook attached to a European military officer visiting Kashmir from Peshawar.

Rather than being a native political leader of Kashmir, Qadeer became known through speeches which, according to contemporary accounts, openly challenged the authority of the Dogra State and invoked religious sentiment to mobilise crowds.

His arrest under Sections 124-A (sedition) and 153-A (promoting communal hatred) of the Indian Penal Code became the immediate trigger for subsequent events.

Front cover of the 1932 edition of the book Warning of Kashmir by G.S. Raghavan

July 13, 1931: The Jail Turns into a Flashpoint

Raghavan in his 1932 edition of the book mentions that on July 13, 1931, thousands assembled outside the Central Jail in Srinagar where Abdul Qadeer’s trial was being held.

According to his Warning of Kashmir, the gathering rapidly transformed into a violent assault. The crowd attempted to force entry into the prison. Police personnel were attacked with stones. Telephone lines were cut. Attempts were made to overpower the jail guards.

Warnings issued by the District Magistrate failed. Only after repeated attempts to disperse the gathering did police resort to firing. The official firing resulted in casualties among the protesters.

For decades, public memory largely stopped at this point.

Kashmir’s Hindu Localities Under Attack

One of the most striking aspects of Warning of Kashmir is its detailed description of what happened after the firing. Instead of dispersing, sections of the crowd moved into Srinagar’s commercial and residential Hindu localities.

Raghavan records that Maharaj Gunj, one of the Valley’s principal commercial centres dominated by Hindu traders, became a primary target.The violence spread from Bohri Kadal to Alikadal, continuing through Safakadal, Ganpatyar, and Nawakadal.

These were not isolated incidents. According to the contemporary account, the Hindu-owned shops were systematically looted. Books of account were burnt. Merchants were assaulted. Property worth lakhs of rupees was destroyed. Streets remained littered with looted goods and entire commercial establishments were devastated.

The author notes that not a single Muslim property owner reportedly approached the authorities with complaints of being looted, whereas Hindu commercial losses were extensive.This observation forms one of the strongest contemporary indicators that the violence assumed a distinctly communal character.

History need not choose one victim over another… a complete understanding of July 1931 requires acknowledging both the jail firing and the communal violence that followed.

Why Kashmiri Pandits Remember It as ‘Batta Loot’

Within the Pandit community, the events acquired an entirely different name.Batta Loot, the phrase did not emerge from political literature.It emerged from lived memory. Families remembered not speeches outside the jail, but flames engulfing their neighbourhoods.They remembered commercial establishments reduced to ashes.They remembered women and children hiding indoors.They remembered centuries-old businesses disappearing within hours.

For Kashmiri Pandits, July 13 became synonymous with organised plunder. The memory passed orally through generations long before it found renewed attention in archival research only recently.

Archival text snippet describing the atrocities and property damage in Vicharnag locality

Vicharnag: A Parallel Tragedy

While much attention centred upon Srinagar city, another horrific episode unfolded in Vicharnag, about six miles away.

According to noted author Raghavan, some organised groups entered the locality and committed widespread atrocities. The houses were looted, property destroyed, buildings burnt and residents were assaulted. Military intervention eventually dispersed the attackers, but only after significant damage had already occurred.

This demonstrates that the disturbances extended well beyond spontaneous rioting and affected multiple Hindu settlements across the Valley.

The economic consequences proved devastating. Unlike ordinary theft, the burning of account books destroyed commercial memory itself—debts, credits and business relationships accumulated over decades vanished overnight.For many traders, rebuilding became nearly impossible.

Political Agitation and External Mobilisation

Raghavan further argues that the disturbances quickly became part of a wider political campaign.

Within days, All India Kashmir Muslim Committee emerged to mobilise opinion across British India .Public meetings were organised. Resolutions were passed. “Kashmir Day” was observed elsewhere.

While political mobilisation expanded nationally, the suffering of the Hindu victims inside Kashmir gradually disappeared from wider discussion.

The narrative shifted almost entirely towards those killed in the jail firing, leaving the subsequent communal violence largely undocumented in public memory.

Officially Circulated Book Later Forgotten

One remarkable aspect of this history is that Warning of Kashmir was never a clandestine publication. Official correspondence reproduced in surviving archives shows that copies were supplied to the Development Department, departments acknowledged receipt. Additional copies were formally requested as Government considered the book useful enough for official circulation.

The preface itself states that the author’s purpose was not polemics but “an unadorned statement of truth” based upon available evidence and official records.

Yet after Independence and the changing political landscape, the work gradually disappeared from mainstream historical discourse.

Recovering a Forgotten Memory

Recognising the suffering of Kashmiri Pandits on July 13, 1931 does not diminish the deaths that occurred outside the Central Jail.

History need not choose one victim over another.However, a complete understanding of July 1931 requires acknowledging both the jail firing and the communal violence that followed.

The tragedy of ‘Batta Loot‘ reminds us that ordinary civilians—shopkeepers, traders, families and neighbourhoods—paid an immense price during those disturbances. Ignoring that experience leaves the historical record incomplete.

The events of July 13, 1931 altered Kashmir’s political history, but they also scarred its social fabric.For Kashmiri Pandits, it became Batta Loot—a day remembered not for political symbolism but for the organised destruction of homes, businesses and lives.

Nearly a century later, rare official correspondence and G.S. Raghavan’s Warning of Kashmir invite historians to revisit this neglected chapter with scholarly objectivity rather than inherited political narratives.

History achieves its greatest value not when it reinforces established myths, but when it restores forgotten truths. Only by acknowledging the full scope of human suffering can the story of July 13, 1931 be understood in its complete historical context.

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‘Please Come at Once’: Rare 1946 letters reveal Kashmiri Hindus’ urgent appeals to Sardar Patel

Kashmir Rechords

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July 10, 2026

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‘Please Come at Once’: Rare 1946 letters reveal Kashmiri Hindus’ urgent appeals to Sardar Patel

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive Research Report)

Two rare handwritten letters preserved in the National Archives of India have brought to light a largely forgotten chapter in the political history of pre-Independence Kashmir. Written on 29 and 30 May 1946, at the height of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s Quit Kashmir Movement, the letters reveal the growing apprehensions of sections of the Kashmiri Hindu community and their desperate appeals to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel for guidance and intervention.

Penned just a day apart by two separate organisations in Srinagar, the documents demonstrate that concern over the political developments in Kashmir was not confined to a handful of individuals but was shared by organised sections of Kashmiri Hindu society. One appeal came from the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation Sharika Bhawan, Shital Nath Srinagar, while the other was submitted by the Hindu Youths Association, Purshyar, Srinagar.

Together, these documents, assessed by Kashmir Rechords, offer an invaluable primary source for understanding how sections of the minority community viewed the rapidly unfolding events in Kashmir months before India’s Independence and Partition.

Urgent Appeal from Kashmiri Students

The first letter, dated 29 May 1946, was written on the official letterhead of the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, functioning from Sharika Bhawan, Shital Nath, Srinagar. Bearing the motto “Discipline – Struggle – Independence,” the letter was signed by Lachmi Narayan Dhar, President of the Federation.

Please come at once. Matter is very serious” — All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, May 29, 1946

Addressed to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, as “ Dear Sardar Saheb’’, the brief communication paints a grim picture of the prevailing atmosphere in Kashmir.

The student leader describes the agitation in Kashmir as having assumed alarming proportions and alleges that the situation was being misrepresented by sections of the nationalist press. He warns that the Hindu community had come under threat and implores Patel to intervene personally.

The concluding sentence captures the urgency of the moment:-‘Please come at once. Matter is very serious‘

The appeal reflects the confidence that young Kashmiri Hindus placed in Patel’s leadership during one of the most volatile periods in the State’s political history.

‘We Are Not Foolish’

The very next day, on 30 May 1946, another communication reached Patel.

This far more detailed memorandum was submitted by the Secretary, Hindu Youths Association, Purshyar, Srinagar.

Unlike the students’ appeal, the memorandum attempts to explain the political thinking of the Kashmiri Hindu community. It emphatically states that the community was not opposed to representative government.

In one of its most striking observations, the writers declare that they were “not foolish” and were living in the twentieth century, fully aware of democratic ideals and political progress. Their concern, they explain, was not democracy itself but the absence of safeguards for a vulnerable minority in a communally sensitive environment.

The memorandum, therefore, asks Patel to suggest the “right course of action” for Kashmiri Hindus and other minorities at a time when the State’s political future appeared increasingly uncertain.

A portion of the handwritten letter from the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation to Sardar Patel, dated May 29, 1946.

The Shadow of 1931

A recurring theme in the memorandum is the memory of the communal disturbances of 1931.

The writers remind Patel that the minority community had suffered during those events and assert that the wounds had not yet healed. They argue that those experiences could not simply be ignored while discussing constitutional reforms or representative government.

For the authors, the events of 1931 remained a living political reality rather than a closed chapter of history.

This reference is particularly significant because it demonstrates how deeply those events continued to influence the political outlook of Kashmiri Hindus fifteen years later.

Strong Reservations About Sheikh Abdullah

The memorandum also contains unusually candid remarks about Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then leading the Quit Kashmir Movement against Maharaja Hari Singh’s government.

The writers describe Abdullah as a “colour changing man,” expressing distrust of what they perceived as his shifting political positions. They warn Patel that slogans of revolution and popular mobilisation should not obscure the legitimate concerns of minorities.

Whether historians agree with these assessments or not, the document provides a rare insight into how sections of Kashmiri Hindus perceived Sheikh Abdullah at a crucial moment in Kashmir’s political evolution.

A portion of the handwritten letter from Hindu Youths Association, Srinagar to Sardar Patel, dated May 30,1946.

A Reference to Jawaharlal Nehru

Equally noteworthy is May 30, 1946 memorandum’s reference to Jawaharlal Nehru.

The writers caution Patel about what they describe as the “hasty type of judgments of Jawahar.”

Although the memorandum does not elaborate, the remark appears to reflect the differing perceptions within sections of Kashmiri Hindu society regarding Nehru’s support for Sheikh Abdullah during the Quit Kashmir agitation.

Why Patel?

Both organisations chose to write not to the British authorities or the Maharaja’s administration but directly to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

This choice itself is revealing.

It suggests that these organisations regarded Patel as a leader capable of understanding their anxieties and offering impartial advice during a period of political uncertainty. This also mean that the student leaders’ might have also been in touch with Sardar Patel earlier also.Their appeals were not merely complaints; they were requests for guidance from a national leader in whom they reposed considerable trust.

The Silence of History

Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of these documents is what they do not reveal.

The archival material presently available in the National Archives of India does not indicate what action, if any, Sardar Patel took after receiving these appeals. Nor does it reveal whether he visited Kashmir in response to the repeated requests or communicated his views to the organisations concerned.

Windows into a Forgotten Moment

These letters are neither retrospective memoirs nor political commentaries written years after the event. They are contemporary communications, written in real time by individuals living through one of the most consequential periods in Kashmir’s modern history.

Their significance lies not in establishing the correctness of any political position but in presenting the contemporary perceptions, fears and aspirations of a section of Kashmiri society at a pivotal historical moment.

As primary sources, they enrich our understanding of the political climate surrounding the Quit Kashmir Movement and remind us that the debate over Kashmir’s future involved multiple voices, many of which have remained unheard in mainstream historical narratives.

Nearly eight decades later, these fragile handwritten appeals continue to speak across time—not because they settle historical debates, but because they illuminate the concerns of those who feared that their voices might otherwise be lost to history.

Editor’s Note

The documents reproduced in this article are preserved in the National Archives of India. The views expressed in these letters are those of their authors and are presented here as historical primary source material. Kashmir Rechords reproduces archival documents to facilitate research and encourage a fuller understanding of Jammu and Kashmir’s complex historical record.

Beyond Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat: The forgotten women victims of militancy in Kashmir

Kashmir Rechords

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July 8, 2026

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Beyond Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat: The forgotten women victims of militancy in Kashmir

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive Report)

Whenever the subject of women who fell victim to militancy in Kashmir is discussed, two names invariably dominate the public discourse—Girija Tickoo and Sarla Bhat. Their horrifying murders have become enduring symbols of the brutality that accompanied the early years of insurgency. Renewed public attention following cinematic portrayals and recent legal developments, including the filing of a chargesheet against Yasin Malik in the Sarla Bhat murder case, has once again brought these tragedies into national focus.

Their stories unquestionably deserve to be remembered, documented and retold.Yet, the history of Kashmir’s conflict is far larger than two names.

Behind these widely known narratives lies a long and painful list of women—both Kashmiri Pandits and Kashmiri Muslims—whose lives were brutally cut short by militant violence but whose stories have gradually faded from public memory. Many never became national headlines. Many survived only in fading newspaper reports preserved in archives. Others continue to exist solely in the memories of grieving families.

An honest chronicle of Kashmir’s troubled past must strive to restore every innocent victim to history, irrespective of religion, region or political persuasion. Justice begins with remembrance. Whether it is Prana Ganjoo, Pitti Kaul, Afroza, Rukhsana, or numerous others whose names rarely find mention in public discourse, every innocent life deserves equal dignity in history.

When staying back became a Death Sentence

For the Kashmiri Pandit community, the winter of 1989–90 marked the beginning of one of the darkest chapters in its modern history.

Targeted killings, threats, intimidation and fear forced hundreds of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits to leave the Valley between late 1989 and the early months of 1990, abandoning homes, businesses, temples, educational institutions and ancestral properties built over generations.

Not every family, however, chose to leave. Some believed the violence would eventually subside. Others simply could not imagine abandoning the land where their ancestors had lived for centuries. Many elderly residents lacked the means or the will to migrate. Some trusted their friends and neighbours.

For several of them, that decision proved fatal.

Prof Ganjoo and Mrs Ganjoo story in Kashmir Times

Daily Excelsior news making mention of Ganjoo couple killing

Tragic end of Ganjoo Couple

Among those who chose to remain were Professor K.L. Ganjoo, serving in Government Agricultural College, Wadoora Sopore and his wife Prana (Prerna) Ganjoo of Sopore.

Despite the deteriorating security situation and the mass migration taking place around them, the couple stayed back in their homeland.Their faith was repaid with unimaginable brutality.

On 6 May 1990, according to contemporary newspaper reports preserved in the archives of Kashmir Rechords, the bodies of Professor Ganjoo and his wife, kidnapped two days ago, were recovered from the banks of the River Jhelum near a temple that today itself stands neglected and desecrated. As was often the case during those turbulent months, combing operations and house-to-house searches followed, but yielded no meaningful results.Justice never arrived.

Dolly: A teenager whose story was forgotten

The same day witnessed another tragedy. The body of Dolly, a 16-year-old girl, bearing bullet injuries, was recovered from Karan Nagar in Srinagar.

A teenager who was also not spared by militants

Like so many other killings from that period, her death disappeared into obscurity. No known investigation reached its logical conclusion, and the case never entered the national consciousness.Her name remains largely absent from discussions on Kashmir’s violent past.

Pitti Kaul: Even age offered no protection

The murder of Pitti Kaul, an elderly Kashmiri Pandit woman, stands as another reminder of the indiscriminate nature of militant violence. She too had chosen to remain in Kashmir after much of her community had migrated.

On November 7, 1990, militants entered her home at Mandir Bagh Srinagar and shot her dead. Her age offered no protection. Her attachment to her ancestral home ultimately cost her life.

Today, outside a handful of archival references and family memories, her story remains virtually forgotten.

Other forgotten women lost to violence

The archival record also documents the killing of another Mrs. Ganjoo from Bana Mohalla, Srinagar, whose body was recovered with multiple bullet injuries during 1990.

Similarly, local newspapers carried the photograph of Mrs. Roopawati of Pulwama, another Kashmiri Pandit woman reportedly killed in cold blood during the insurgency. These names seldom appear in contemporary discussions, despite once occupying newspaper columns that chronicled Kashmir’s daily descent into violence.Their stories deserve careful historical documentation before they disappear altogether.

Beyond Sarla Bhat and Girija Tickoo

The murder of Sarla Bhat, a young nurse abducted and killed in April 1990, demonstrated that even humanitarian service offered no protection against militant violence.

Likewise, the gruesome killing of Girija Tickoo has rightly become one of the most widely remembered atrocities committed against Kashmiri Pandit women.

Both cases occupy an important place in the historical record. However, their prominence should not unintentionally overshadow the many other women whose names seldom find space in history books, judicial discourse or public memory.

Collectively, these forgotten stories reveal a grim reality: for many who remained in Kashmir during those turbulent months, daily life became an existence lived under constant fear, where simply staying in one’s ancestral home could prove fatal.

Kashmiri Muslim women were also victims of Militancy

Militant violence in Kashmir was not confined to one community alone. Over the years, many innocent Kashmiri Muslim women were also murdered by militant groups. Their alleged offences varied—from being accused of informing security forces, refusing to obey militant diktats, continuing their professional duties, participating in democratic institutions, belonging to political families, or simply becoming victims of targeted attacks.

Among the documented cases is Naseema Bano, who was reportedly killed after militants accused her of acting as a police informer.

Shameema Akhtar was murdered because she continued teaching despite militant warnings and diktats.

Asiya Jan, associated with grassroots democratic institutions following the revival of Panchayati Raj, was among several women targeted by militants.

Over the years, numerous women related to Special Police Officers (SPOs), Village Defence Committee members, political workers and surrendered militants also lost their lives or sustained grievous injuries in targeted attacks.

These women, too, deserve remembrance within any comprehensive account of Kashmir’s conflict.

Recovering Forgotten Histories

During the preparation of this archival series, Kashmir Rechords made repeated efforts to contact the families of both Kashmiri Pandit and Kashmiri Muslim women who lost their lives to militant violence.

Many families, understandably, preferred silence. Others could not be traced after decades of displacement and upheaval.

Consequently, this article has been prepared primarily from contemporary newspaper archives preserved by Kashmir Rechords, supplemented by some material available in the public domain.

Several rare photographs accompanying this series have remained unpublished for decades.

Justice Begins with Memory

Public memory often remembers only those tragedies that receive sustained media attention, judicial intervention or cinematic representation.

Countless others remain confined to fading newspaper cuttings, forgotten police files, family albums and private grief.

History should not become selective. The worth of an innocent human life cannot be measured by the volume of media coverage it receives or the political attention it attracts.Every documented victim deserves to be remembered with equal dignity.

The purpose of documenting these forgotten stories is neither to create a hierarchy of suffering nor to diminish the pain of any community.Rather, it is to ensure that the historical record reflects the full human cost of militancy in Kashmir. To remember them is not just an act of looking back; it is a refusal to let violence have the final word on who they were.

When Yasin Malik was declared ‘Dead’ twice in April 1990!

Kashmir Rechords

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July 2, 2026

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When Yasin Malik was declared ‘Dead’ twice in April 1990!

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Few episodes from Kashmir’s turbulent past are as astonishing as this one. Twice in April 1990, newspapers declared Yasin Malik dead. Four months later, he was arrested alive!

Thirty-six years later, as the public demands the harshest punishment for Yasin Malik’s role in terrorist violence and the Special Investigation Team (SIT) has filed over 700-page chargesheet in the murder of Sarla Bhat, this extraordinary contradiction hidden in Jammu Kashmir’s newspaper archives deserves renewed attention.

Among the thousands of newspapers painstakingly preserved by Kashmir Rechords Foundation lies one of the most intriguing mysteries of the early militancy era.

Declared Dead—Not Once, But Twice

The first report appeared in the 9 April 1990 edition of The Kashmir Times.

Kashmir Times April 9 1990 front page report claiming Yasin Malik killed

Quoting official security sources, the newspaper reported that security forces had killed the so-called “Commander-in-Chief” of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), Yasin Malik, and another militant during an operation in Srinagar. Several other militants were also reported to have been arrested. Simultaneously, almost identical news was carried by another leading J&K newspaper–Daily Excelsior on the same day!

Daily Excelsior News Dateline April 9, 1990, killing Yasin Malik first time and repeating the same on August 18, 1990.

Nine days later, on April 18, 1990, history appeared to repeat itself.

Both Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times once again carried front-page reports, again quoting official security sources, claiming that Yasin Malik had been killed. The reports stated that several senior JKLF commanders had either been arrested or eliminated during security operations, and Yasin Malik’s name once again figured among those reported dead.Not once.But twice.

Yasin Malik claimed killed in 1990, on April 17.

Yasin Malik reported dead Daily Excelsior April 1990

The reports carried all the hallmarks of authenticity. They relied on official briefings issued at a time when militancy was rapidly engulfing the Valley and newspapers depended heavily on information released by the security establishment.

When Newspapers Declared Yasin Malik dead---second time

When Yasin Malik was `killed' on April 17, 1990

The August Plot Twist: Arrested Alive

Barely four months later came a stunning reversal.

On 7 August 1990, the same newspapers carried another prominent front-page story announcing what was described as a “major breakthrough.”

This time, Yasin Malik and dreaded JKLF Deputy Commander-in-Chief Hamid Sheikh were reported to have been arrested alive during security operations in Srinagar. Their photographs accompanied the reports.

The contradiction was impossible to ignore.

How did a man who had been officially reported dead twice in April 1990 suddenly reappear alive in August, 1990? The question has remained unanswered for more than three decades.

Kashmir Times August 1990 Yasin Malik arrest headline

Sarla Bhat’s murder received barely a passing mention

The irony becomes even more striking when these editions are read alongside another tragedy unfolding at the same time.

On April, 18 1990, while newspapers prominently carried the story of Yasin Malik’s alleged death for the second time, Sarla Bhat, a young Kashmiri Pandit nurse, was abducted and brutally murdered by terrorists on the same day.

The irony is tragic: the very week official briefings vacillated on whether Yasin Malik was dead or alive, nurse Sarla Bhat was silenced forever.

When newspapers reported the incident in their 20 April 1990 editions, her murder occupied only a few lines, without the outrage, sustained attention or prominence that such a horrific crime deserved. Like countless other targeted killings during those violent months, her murder quickly disappeared from the headlines.

Justice, however, did not.It merely took thirty-six years to begin moving again.

Recently, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) filed a chargesheet running into more than 700 pages, alleging that Sarla Bhat was murdered on the directions of Yasin Malik—the very man who had been declared dead twice in newspaper reports earlier that same month before later being arrested alive.

The sequence of events makes the archival record all the more compelling.

Media Failure or Intelligence Tactics? Who Got It Wrong

The preserved newspaper clippings do not, by themselves, indict the newspapers. Both Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times clearly attributed the reports to official security sources.

That raises several important questions. Was it an intelligence failure? Was it part of a psychological warfare strategy intended to create confusion within militant ranks by spreading reports of a senior commander’s death?

Or was it simply a consequence of the chaos that defined Kashmir in the spring of 1990, when rumours, intelligence inputs and official briefings often outpaced independent verification?

There is another possibility that cannot be ignored. The media of that era functioned under convenient compromise or extraordinary pressure, operating amid curfews, censorship concerns, targeted killings and collapsing communication systems. Much of what appeared in print originated from official briefings, leaving little room for independent verification. Whether journalists were merely reproducing official information or whether competing narratives were being shaped through selective leaks remains a subject worthy of deeper historical research.

Whatever the explanation, the preserved editions of Daily Excelsior and The Kashmir Times, now part of the archival holdings of Kashmir Rechords Foundation, remind us why newspapers are more than yesterday’s news.They are historical evidence. They preserve not only events but also contradictions, unanswered questions and narratives that demand fresh scrutiny decades later.

Sometimes history is not rewritten by new discoveries. Sometimes, it is rediscovered in old newspapers.

Preserving Jammu & Kashmir’s History | Kashmir Rechords Turns Three

Kashmir Rechords

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July 1, 2026

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Preserving Jammu & Kashmir’s History | Kashmir Rechords Turns Three

This July marks a very special milestone for all of us at Kashmir Rechords. We are completing three years of a journey that began with a simple yet powerful dream—to preserve history before it disappeared forever.

What started as an initiative by a handful of passionate individuals, painstakingly collecting old newspaper clippings and transforming what many considered mere rags of paper into valuable historical records, has today evolved into the Kashmir Rechords Foundation—a registered NGO devoted to preserving the art, culture, heritage and forgotten narratives of Jammu & Kashmir.

Three years ago, few could have imagined that a small group of determined individuals, supported by exceptionally talented and tech-savvy young volunteers, would build a platform that would become a trusted repository of rare archival material and well-researched historical content. Yet, here we are today—humbled, grateful and inspired to do even more.

Our Commitment: Facts Before Narratives

At Kashmir Rechords, we have consciously chosen a difficult path. We have never relied on sensationalism, exaggeration or distorted narratives. Instead, we have remained steadfastly committed to facts—facts that were once published, documented and recorded, but gradually faded from public memory.

Our mission has always been to rediscover, preserve and present these forgotten truths with honesty, authenticity and scholarly integrity.

Looking back, we take immense pride in having published hundreds of meticulously researched articles on the history, culture, personalities, human interest, literature and heritage of Jammu & Kashmir. Every article represents countless hours spent in archives, libraries and old newspaper collections.

Yet we believe our work has only just begun. Thousands of documents remain unexplored, and countless stories still await rediscovery.

🏛️ Major Milestone: Donations to the Kashmir Rechords Foundation are now eligible for tax deductions under Section 80G of the Income Tax Act, 1961

The People Behind the Kashmir Rechords’ Journey

As we celebrate this milestone, our hearts are filled with gratitude for those who believed in us when Kashmir Rechords was little more than an idea.

We are particularly indebted to our distinguished patrons and well-wishers Dr. N. L. Zutshi, Dr. Vijay Sazawal, Dr Jeevan Zutshi, Shri Sunil Bali, Shri Ashish Zutshi, Shri Hira Lal Sapru, Shri Vimal Sumbli and Shri Vikas Raina. Their encouragement, trust and generous contributions enabled us to sustain this initiative during its formative years. Their support also helped us provide modest stipends to passionate young researchers and volunteers who continue to work tirelessly for this mission.

Archives do not preserve themselves. They survive because someone chooses to care. Thank you for helping us keep Jammu Kashmir’s history alive

Every Contribution Made a Difference

We also extend our heartfelt gratitude to numerous anonymous friends and well-wishers who quietly contributed whatever they could. Some donated generously, while others contributed out of their pocket money. To us, every contribution carried equal value because each reflected faith in our mission.

A special word of appreciation is reserved for our young friend Mr. Aaryan Bhagat, whose generosity went far beyond financial assistance. He also shared a treasure of rare archival material from his personal collection, enriching our repository immeasurably. His commitment reminds us that the younger generation is equally determined to preserve our shared heritage.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation shall forever remain indebted to every individual who stood beside us. No contribution was too small. Every helping hand strengthened our resolve.

The Journey Has Just Begun

As we step into our fourth year, the scope of our work continues to expand. Vast archives remain uncatalogued, countless historical records await digitisation and numerous forgotten narratives deserve to be documented for future generations.

Rare old newspapers of Jammu and Kashmir awaiting digitisation

Archival records — Rare old newspapers of Jammu and Kashmir awaiting digitisation

We also aspire to provide internships and research opportunities to deserving young minds who possess a passion for historical research, archival preservation, documentation and responsible social media engagement. We firmly believe that investing in young researchers is essential to safeguarding our collective heritage.

A New Milestone: Tax Benefits for Donors

Today, we are pleased to share another significant milestone.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation is now registered on the Government of India’s DARPAN Portal and has also been granted provisional registration under Sections 12AB and 80G of the Income Tax Act, 1961 initially for a period of three years.This means that eligible donations made to the Foundation can now qualify for income tax benefits under Section 80G, subject to the applicable provisions of the Income Tax Act. Your support not only helps preserve the priceless history, culture and heritage of Jammu & Kashmir but also enables you to claim the applicable tax deduction.

Kashmir Rechords Foundation 80G tax exemption certificate registration details

Why Your Support Matters

In an age where half-truths often travel faster than documented facts, we remain committed to preserving history with authenticity, integrity and scholarly responsibility.

For us, the trust of our readers and supporters remains our greatest strength. We pledge to continue serving everyone who values truth, historical documentation and the rich cultural legacy of Kashmir.

Every contribution—big or small—helps us preserve rare archives, digitise historical records, support young researchers and ensure that priceless fragments of our collective memory are not lost forever.

Join Us in Preserving History

We humbly request our friends, readers, philanthropists and all those who care about Jammu and Kashmir and its people to support this mission.

No contribution is too small. Every donation keeps history alive. You may contribute using the QR Code or the bank details provided below.

Together, let us preserve today what tomorrow will proudly call history.

With gratitude, humility and hope,

Team Kashmir Rechords Foundation,

H.0: H.No 1, Lane-2, Bharat Nagar, Bantalab, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir India-181123.

B.O: C/o:C1/1401, Kendriya Vihar, Greater Noida, (Delhi-NCR)-201310

email:support@kashmir-rechords.com, kashmirrechords@gmail.com

Phone: +91 8383909284

Kashmir Rechords: Striking a Historical Chord with Jammu & Kashmir

Our Pledge

As we begin our fourth year, we renew our commitment to preserve the forgotten history, culture and collective memory of Jammu & Kashmir with honesty, authenticity and scholarly rigour. We shall continue to document what others overlook, preserve what time threatens to erase, and inspire future generations to value their heritage.With your trust and support, we shall continue striking a historical chord with Jammu & Kashmir—one document, one photograph, one forgotten story at a time.

36 years later: Will Justice finally reach Kashmir’s forgotten Martyrs?

Kashmir Rechords

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June 29, 2026

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36 years later: Will Justice finally reach Kashmir’s forgotten Martyrs?

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

The presentation of a chargesheet by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) into the 1990 murder of nurse Sarla Bhat deserves appreciation. Every serious attempt to investigate crimes that scarred Jammu and Kashmir is a step in the right direction. Yet, alongside hope comes an unavoidable question: Why did it take thirty-six years?

More importantly, will this investigation meet a fate different from many before it?

The history of terrorism in Kashmir is filled with cases that began with assurances but faded into silence. The assassination of Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, murdered in broad daylight on November 4, 1989, remains one of the most striking examples. Despite investigations, identified perpetrators and repeated promises over the decades, justice remains elusive.

Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, victim of 1989 assassination in Kashmir

The murder of Pt. Tika Lal Taploo on September 14, 1989, marked the beginning of a dark chapter that would culminate in the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits only months later. His assassination was followed by the killings of Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, broadcaster Lassa Kaul and hundreds of others whose only “crime” was their identity.

For every well-known victim, there were countless ordinary Kashmiri Pandits—teachers, government employees, traders, farmers, women, children and elderly citizens—whose stories rarely entered official records. Many were shot in their homes. Others were abducted and murdered. Many families never even saw justice begin.

Killed by militants and Forgotten!.. As no investigation in their cases.

The Tragedy Beyond the Valley

Thousands who survived terrorism succumbed during exile. The scorching summers of Jammu’s refugee camps, snakebites, disease, inadequate healthcare and unbearable living conditions claimed numerous lives. These deaths may not have occurred at gunpoint, but they were inseparable from the displacement forced upon an entire community.

In those early years, before mobile phones or social media connected scattered families, news of another death travelled through brief newspaper notices. Displaced Pandits gathered at Rajinder Park on Jammu’s Canal Road, where funeral rites that had traditionally been performed along the banks of the Vitasta were conducted in exile.

Rajinder Park became more than a cremation ground. It became a silent witness to a community mourning not only its dead but also the loss of its homeland.

Displaced Kashmiri Pandits, C/o Rajinder Park, Jammu.”

Unsolved Killings

Today, more than three decades later, the reopening of one investigation cannot erase the larger reality. Hundreds of killings remain unresolved. Numerous families continue waiting for accountability. Witnesses have aged. Many parents died before seeing justice for their children. Survivors continue carrying memories that have never found closure.

The SIT’s action in the Sarla Bhat case should therefore be welcomed—not as the conclusion of a journey, but as its beginning.

Justice cannot be selective. If one forgotten case deserves investigation after thirty-six years, so do the hundreds of others whose files gather dust. Justice for Kashmiri Pandits cannot rest on symbolic reopenings alone; it requires sustained investigation, prosecution wherever possible, and an honest acknowledgement of the scale of the tragedy.

The reopening of a decades-old murder investigation raises difficult questions about delayed justice, institutional accountability and whether truth can still prevail after a generation has passed.

Every September 14, Kashmiri Pandits observe Martyrdom Day in memory of Pt. Tika Lal Taploo and all those who fell to terrorism. Candles are lit not merely to remember the dead but to affirm that their stories will not disappear into forgotten files.

For a community that has waited for more than three decades, hope still survives—but hope alone cannot substitute justice.

History remembers those who were killed.Justice must remember those who were left waiting.

When Jammu & Kashmir Donated Gold to India’s National Defence Fund

Kashmir Rechords

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June 28, 2026

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When Jammu & Kashmir Donated Gold to India’s National Defence Fund

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

History often remembers wars, treaties and political speeches. Yet, hidden within the pages of a rare 1963 history book lies an extraordinary account of patriotism that has almost vanished from public memory.

During the national emergency triggered by the Chinese aggression of 1962, the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir made a remarkable contribution to India’s National Defence Fund—not merely in cash, but in gold and silver from the State Treasury itself.

Front Page of Book: Kashmir Through Ages

The account appears in Gwasha Lal Kaul’s rare volume Kashmir Through the Ages (5000 B.C. to 1965 A.D.), a work that has become increasingly difficult to find today. Unlike many later narratives, Kaul was not writing decades after the events. He was documenting contemporary history as someone who had personally witnessed the transformation of Jammu & Kashmir during the first two decades after Independence.

A Veteran Journalist Turned Historian

Picture of veteran Kashmiri journalist and historian Gwasha Lal Kaul — Gwasha Lal Kaul: Historian, Author, Journalist

Gwasha Lal Kaul was no ordinary author. Long before writing this historical survey, he had established himself among Kashmir’s foremost journalists. He founded The Kashmir Times in 1934 and The Kashmir Chronicle in 1939, served as the President of the Kashmir Journalists’ Association, worked as correspondent for Reuters and the Associated Press of India, later became Director of News at Radio Kashmir and subsequently served in the Information Department of Jammu & Kashmir before returning to journalism. His book therefore combines the perspective of a historian with that of an eyewitness journalist.

Gold, Silver, Cash for the Nation

Kaul records that on 29 March, 1963 Jammu & Kashmir presented to the Finance Minister of India:

1.9 lakh grams of gold
5.83 lakh grams of silver
168 gold sovereigns
A cheque of ₹30 lakh

The precious metals, he notes, were largely drawn from the Toshakhana Department and transferred to the National Defence Fund.

The financial contribution did not end there. Kaul further records that collections within the State had already crossed ₹50 lakh. Consequently, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad later presented another cheque of ₹10 lakh to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during the latter’s visit to Jammu & Kashmir on 18 June, 1963 as an additional contribution to the National Defence Fund.

According to the author, the State had by then contributed ₹30 lakh; an additional ₹10 lakh, 5½ maunds of gold, 15½ maunds of silver, thus making it one of the most significant contributions made by any Indian state during that period.

Page from Gwasha Lal Kaul's book Kashmir Through the Ages showing 1963 gold donations. — Forgotten for over six decades, this remarkable episode tells how Jammu & Kashmir stood with the nation by contributing precious metals and cash during the 1962 national emergency.

Nehru’s Message in Kashmir

Kaul also preserves an important contemporary statement delivered by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru while addressing workers during the visit. According to the book, Nehru observed that Pakistan had attempted to exploit Chinese aggression and had sought to pressure India at one of the most critical moments in its history. Despite these challenges, he reiterated that India remained committed to an honourable and equitable settlement, “but not for surrender.”

A Forgotten Chapter

Today, discussions about Jammu & Kashmir’s post-Independence history are frequently dominated by politics, conflict and constitutional developments. Yet, this episode reminds us that there was also a period when the State mobilised its financial resources—including gold and silver preserved in the Toshakhana—to support India’s national defence during a moment of external aggression.

It is a chapter that rarely finds mention in school textbooks, public commemorations or contemporary discourse.

Why This Story Matters

The significance of this episode lies not merely in the amount donated, but in what it represented. At a time when India was reeling from the 1962 Chinese invasion, Jammu & Kashmir publicly demonstrated solidarity through a substantial financial contribution that combined State resources with public collections. It reflected the political climate of the early 1960s, the functioning of the National Defence Fund, and the willingness of the State government under Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to participate visibly in the national effort.

More Hidden Gems in Gwasha Lal Kaul’s Book

This single volume is a treasure trove for historians because it goes far beyond kings and dynasties. These scattered references, often occupying just a few paragraphs, provide fertile ground for reconstructing the social, economic and political history of Jammu & Kashmir in the decades immediately after Independence. Each deserves to be researched further using contemporary newspapers, government reports and Assembly debates.

Kashmir Rechords’ Note

Rather than treating Kashmir Through the Ages merely as another history book, it should be read as a primary contemporary source compiled by one of Kashmir’s pioneering journalists. Its value lies not only in its account of ancient history but also in preserving countless details of everyday governance, development, economics and public life in Jammu & Kashmir during the 1950s and early 1960s—details that have largely escaped modern historical writing.

ALSO READ:

Gwasha Lal Kaul: Kashmir’s prominent Journalist of pre-Independent era

Veer Savarkar in Kashmir: The forgotten 1942 visit that energised Hindu student activism in Srinagar

Kashmir Rechords

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June 24, 2026

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Veer Savarkar in Kashmir: The forgotten 1942 visit that energised Hindu student activism in Srinagar

By Dr. Rajesh Bhat*

The summer of 1942 witnessed a little-known yet historically significant chapter regarding Veer Savarkar in Kashmir—a visit to Srinagar by the then President of the Hindu Mahasabha. While historians have extensively chronicled Savarkar’s national political role, his Kashmir tour and its influence on the emerging Hindu student movement in the Valley remain largely absent from mainstream narratives.

Newly examined archival material, preserved and placed in the public domain by the National Archives of India, including the proceedings of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference (October 14–16, 1945) and the address delivered by its Reception Committee Chairman, Lachmi Narayan Dhar, helps reconstruct this forgotten chapter of Kashmir’s socio-political history. The documents, assessed by Kashmir Rechords, not only shed light on Savarkar’s visit but also reveal the remarkable role played by a little-known Kashmiri activist whose contributions have remained largely unrecognised.

Kashmir’s Political Climate

The 1930s and early 1940s were years of intense political ferment in Jammu and Kashmir. The communal disturbances of 1931 and the subsequent political mobilisations profoundly affected the outlook of Kashmiri Hindu youth. A growing sense of insecurity, coupled with concerns regarding educational opportunities and political representation, encouraged young Hindus to organise themselves.

According to Lachmi Narayan Dhar’s address to the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference in 1945, restrictions on Hindu students in educational institutions, perceived discrimination in scholarships and appointments, and increasing communal tensions created an atmosphere that encouraged collective action. Dhar records that the first attempt to establish a Hindu Students Federation emerged in 1938. Another student organisation followed in 1939 after tensions erupted at Sri Pratap College.

Archival document of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students Conference 1945 — The Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference-1945. The first one was held in 1942.

The movement gained further momentum in 1940 when Hindu students reacted to what Dhar described as anti-Hindu propaganda within educational institutions. These developments laid the foundation for a broader student mobilisation that would soon receive a major boost from an unexpected source.

When News of Savarkar’s Visit Reached Kashmir

The turning point came in May 1942 when news spread that Swatantrya Veer Savarkar would be visiting Kashmir in the month of July 1942. At the time, Savarkar was among the most influential political figures associated with the Hindu Mahasabha and commanded considerable attention among Hindu youth across the country.

One of the individuals most deeply involved in preparing for the visit was a Kashmiri Pandit, Lachmi Narayan Dhar, who would later emerge as a central figure in Kashmir’s Hindu student movement. In his 1945 address, Dhar recalls how the anticipation surrounding Savarkar’s arrival inspired Kashmiri Hindu students to create a broad-based organisation capable of uniting Hindu youth across educational institutions.

Describing the developments, Dhar wrote:

“A strong Hindu Students’ Union was formed with a Harijan student as its President and myself as General Secretary.”

The statement is significant because it demonstrates that the organisers consciously sought to project social inclusiveness and broader community participation within the movement. At a time when caste divisions remained prevalent across India, the election of a“ Harijan’’ student as President reflected a deliberate attempt to present a united front.

Archival document that makes mention of Veer Sarvakar's visit to Kashmir in 1942. — National Archives of India document makes a mention of Veer Sarvakar’s visit to Kashmir in 1942

The Forgotten Architect: Lachmi Narayan Dhar

The story of Savarkar’s Kashmir visit cannot be told without acknowledging the pivotal role played by Lachmi Narayan Dhar, one of the overlooked figures of pre-Independence Kashmir.

The archival record identifies him as General Secretary of the Hindu Students’ Union in 1942, Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference in 1945, President of the All Kashmir Hindu Students Federation, and a member of the Working Committee of the All India Hindu Students Federation with M.A LLB as his qualification.

Dhar was not merely an organiser. He is believed to have served as a bridge between local Kashmiri concerns and broader all-India Hindu student networks. His speeches reveal a leader deeply involved in educational reform, social mobilisation and political awareness among Hindu youth. The archival records further suggest that he maintained close contact with national leaders and played a crucial role in connecting Kashmiri students with wider national movements.

First Hindu Students’ Conference: A Landmark Gathering

The organisational work undertaken in preparation for Savarkar’s visit culminated in what appears to have been the First Hindu Students’ Conference in Kashmir. Held on 16–17 July 1942 at D.A.V. High School, Srinagar, the conference was presided over by Veer Savarkar and inaugurated by Captain Keshav Chandra of Amritsar.

According to the 1945 conference proceedings, the gathering of 1942 conference had attracted several distinguished personalities, including Raja Narindra Nath and Harbans Singh, then President of the All India Hindu Students Federation, besides numerous leaders from Punjab and Kashmir.

Lachmi Narayan Dhar described the event as an “unparalleled success” attended by nearly 10,000 people—an extraordinary figure considering the communication and transportation limitations of the period.

The conference represented one of the earliest organised attempts to connect Kashmiri Hindu students with wider all-India student and socio-political networks. It also demonstrated the growing confidence of a generation of Kashmiri Hindu youth determined to engage with national developments.

Building a Student Movement Across Kashmir

The momentum generated by the 1942 conference did not dissipate after Savarkar’s departure. Instead, it appears to have strengthened and expanded.

The proceedings of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference reveal that by 1945 the organisation had established eight active branches across educational institutions. It enjoyed representation in student councils and had attracted the patronage of lawyers, professors, journalists and public leaders. It was also affiliated with the All India Hindu Students Federation, linking Kashmir’s student movement to a wider national framework.

These developments indicate that the movement had evolved far beyond a single conference or personality-driven initiative. It had become an organised platform addressing educational, social and political issues affecting Hindu youth.

Savarkar’s Influence on Kashmiri Hindu Youth

The archival records indicate that Savarkar’s influence on Kashmiri Hindu students was both ideological and organisational. His visit encouraged student unity across districts, greater participation in public life, educational activism and closer engagement with national political debates.

The language employed in the 1945 conference proceedings clearly reflects the concerns that dominated sections of Hindu public discourse during the final years of British rule. Opposition to the Pakistan demand, apprehensions regarding communal politics and debates over constitutional arrangements featured prominently in the discussions. Savarkar’s call for Hindu consolidation appears to have found a receptive audience among sections of Kashmiri Hindu youth who felt politically vulnerable amid rapidly changing circumstances.

A Forgotten Chapter Deserving Wider Recognition

Today, as historians revisit the lesser-known dimensions of pre-1947 Kashmir, the story of Veer Savarkar’s visit, the pioneering efforts of Lachmi Narayan Dhar and the rise of organised Hindu student activism deserves greater scholarly attention.

The surviving conference proceedings provide a rare window into a generation of young Kashmiris who sought to shape their future at a time when the destiny of the entire subcontinent hung in the balance. They also bring into focus the contributions of individuals like Lachmi Narayan Dhar, whose role in mobilising and organising Hindu students in Kashmir has largely remained outside mainstream historical narratives.

The events of 1942 and the years that followed demonstrate that student activism in pre-Independence Kashmir was far more organised, connected and politically aware than commonly understood. As more archival material comes to light, the story of these young activists—and the leaders who inspired them—promises to add important new dimensions to the history of Jammu and Kashmir.

[To be continued… Kashmir Rechords will soon publish a detailed account of the Second All Kashmir Hindu Students’ Conference (1945), its resolutions, speeches, delegates and historical significance.]

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication. He has devoted considerable effort to documenting the overlooked socio-cultural, historical and archival narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. He is a co-founder of the Kashmir Rechords Foundation.

Also Read:

Breaking the Myth: Kashmiri Pandits in the Late 19th Century

June 1, 1990: When Kheer Bhawani Shrine stood almost Empty

Kashmir Rechords

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June 22, 2026

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June 1, 1990: When Kheer Bhawani Shrine stood almost Empty

By: Rajesh Bhat*

Thirty-six years have passed since Kashmiri Pandits began observing the annual Mela Kheer Bhawani in exile. Every year, when this sacred occasion arrives, hundreds of devotees return to Tulmulla. Politicians deliver speeches about peace and brotherhood. Old friends meet. Cameras flash. The temple complex resonates with prayers, laughter and memories.

Yet, amid the crowds and ceremonies, one memory refuses to fade. It is the memory of June 1, 1990.

I remember that day not as a spectator, but as a witness! I was then a young journalist with Daily Excelsior, assisting the Kashmir Desk. The Valley was passing through one of the darkest chapters in its history. Fear had settled over Kashmir like a thick fog. Thousands of Kashmiri Pandits had already fled their homes. Entire neighbourhoods had fallen silent. Familiar faces had vanished overnight.

Haunting Silence of Mela Kheer Bhawani in 1990

And on that day, when the annual Mela Kheer Bhawani should have transformed Tulmulla into a sea of devotion, I found myself standing before a shrine that seemed abandoned by time itself. The silence was frightening!

The majestic Chinar trees still stood where they had stood for centuries, their branches spread wide over the sacred spring. But beneath them there were no pilgrims. No women carrying offerings. No children running between the temple pathways. No groups singing bhajans through the night. No Kashmiri Leelas. No laughter. No bustle…..Only silence….A silence so deep that even the rustling of leaves sounded like a prayer.

The shrine, which had for generations welcomed thousands of devotees, looked deserted. The mighty Chinars appeared like grieving sentinels, guarding a sacred place suddenly emptied of its people. For the first time in living memory, the Yatra had disappeared.

Security personnel occupied positions around the complex. Many of them had recently arrived in Kashmir and perhaps knew little about the centuries-old traditions associated with the Shrine. Their rifles and uniforms stood in stark contrast to the spiritual atmosphere that usually defined the place.

That year, the Valley was under extraordinary tension. Coincidentally, on the same day (June 1, 1990), fifteen-year-old Omar Farooq was being installed as the new Mirwaiz of Kashmir following the assassination of his father, Mirwaiz Maulvi Farooq, just days earlier. Every road, every locality, every conversation seemed overshadowed by uncertainty.

As I walked through the temple complex, absorbing the emptiness around me, my eyes fell upon a solitary figure. In one corner of the shrine stood a lone Kashmiri Pandit. He appeared almost inseparable from the temple itself!

While thousands had left under the pressure of fear and circumstances, he had chosen to remain. Associated with a government media organisation, he had refused to abandon the Shrine. Day after day, month after month, he remained there, ensuring that the sacred traditions of Mata Kheer Bhawani did not completely disappear from the Valley.

His presence moved me deeply. He stood there not merely as an individual but as a symbol of continuity. A symbol of faith refusing to surrender. A symbol of a civilisation determined not to vanish.

In those difficult days, he quietly began contacting fellow Kashmiri Pandit employees who were still scattered across Kashmir, working under constant uncertainty. Unexpectedly, help also came from some local Muslims who revered Mata Kheer Bhawani and understood the significance of the shrine.

Glimmer of Hope: Two Tulmulla Pilgrimage Buses

Tulmulla 1990: The Year the Pilgrims Disappeared

Through their collective efforts, contact was established with representatives of the Kashmir Motor Drivers Association. Despite the prevailing tension, arrangements were somehow made for two buses to travel to the shrine.

Hours passed. The temple remained largely silent.Then, sometime later, the distant sound of engines broke the stillness.

Two buses appeared. I still remember watching them approach the temple gates. Slowly, men and women stepped down.

There were not many of them. Their faces reflected exhaustion, uncertainty and anxiety. Yet beneath all that was something stronger—an unshakeable desire to stand before their Goddess.

Some had travelled despite fear. Some despite warnings. Some despite not knowing what awaited them. But they had come.

Not because conditions were safe. Not because circumstances were favourable. But because faith demanded their presence.

As they entered the shrine, the atmosphere changed. The temple was no longer empty. The Goddess was no longer alone.

The puja that followed was perhaps the most emotional religious ceremony I have ever witnessed. There were no grand arrangements.No festive crowds.No elaborate celebrations.Yet every mantra carried extraordinary weight.Every offering seemed precious.Every prayer sounded like a plea, a remembrance and a promise all at once.

The devotees performed every ritual with utmost devotion. Many eyes were moist.Some prayers remained unspoken.

Everyone understood that they were participating in something far greater than a religious ceremony.They were preserving a civilisational thread.

For months, the shrine had remained under security watch, sustained largely by the devotion of that lone Pandit who had vowed never to abandon it. On that June day, a handful of worshippers ensured that the centuries-old tradition of Kheer Bhawani would not be broken.

The years that followed remained difficult. Between 1991 and 1997, attendance at the shrine was sparse. Most visitors were government employees posted in Kashmir—staff from the Civil Secretariat, Accountant General’s office and various Central Government establishments. By 1997, pilgrims gradually began returning. The crowds slowly reappeared. Government transport was arranged. Private pilgrimages resumed. Politicians started visiting. Public figures arrived. Even former militant leaders occasionally appeared, expressing solidarity and regret.

Today, the shrine once again witnesses thousands of visitors. Tourist buses arrive daily. The pathways are crowded. Devotees offer prayers before returning to their homes in Kashmir and across the globe.

The crowds that gather at Tulmulla nowadays are a welcome sight. Yet they should also remember that there was a time when the shrine stood almost alone, waiting patiently for its children to return.

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D. in Journalism and Mass Communication. He has devoted considerable effort to documenting the overlooked socio-cultural, historical and archival narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. He is a co-founder of the Kashmir Rechords Foundation.

Mali Bee: J&K’s First Woman Padma Awardee Whom History Forgot

Kashmir Rechords

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June 19, 2026

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Mali Bee: J&K’s First Woman Padma Awardee Whom History Forgot

By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat*

History often remembers kings, generals and politicians. Yet some of its greatest heroes emerge from humble homes, perform extraordinary deeds in moments of national crisis, receive the Nation’s highest honours, and then slowly disappear from public memory.

The story of Mali Bee of Jhangar, Rajouri, is one such tale.

Long before discussions on women empowerment became fashionable, before government campaigns celebrated women achievers, and before Jammu and Kashmir’s daughters began making national headlines, a simple village woman from a frontier became a symbol of courage and patriotism.

For her exceptional service to the Nation, Mali Bee was awarded the Padma Shri in 1966, becoming the first woman from Jammu and Kashmir to receive one of India’s highest civilian honours.

Yet today, her name is scarcely known outside a handful of historians, old soldiers and residents of Rajouri.

Even more remarkably, Jhanghar’s Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din, was himself a national hero, decorated with the Ashok Chakra, India’s highest peacetime gallantry award.

**Jammu Kashmir’s First Padma Shri woman recipient and the Ashok Chakra recipient , both from Jhanghar village: The Unsung Heroes**.

A Frontier Village That Produced Heroes

The village of Jhangar occupies a special place in the military history of Jammu and Kashmir.

Situated in the Rajouri sector, it became one of the fiercest battlegrounds during the tribal invasion of 1947-48. The area later witnessed military activity during the wars of 1965 and 1971 as well.

For the people living there, patriotism was not a slogan. It was a matter of survival. Villagers routinely found themselves caught between infiltrators, military operations and enemy aggression. Every decision carried risks.It was in this atmosphere that Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din emerged as extraordinary figures.

The Woman Who Chose the Nation Over Fear

Mali Bee was not educated in elite institutions. She held no public office. She possessed neither wealth nor influence. What she did possess was courage. At a time when infiltrators and hostile elements attempted to establish influence in border areas, Mali Bee stood firmly on the side of India. According to contemporary accounts, she rendered invaluable assistance that frustrated enemy designs and strengthened the hands of those defending the region.

Her patriotism came at a time when choosing the Nation often meant risking one’s life. The dangers were real. People suspected of helping Indian forces could face intimidation, violence or death. Yet Mali Bee never wavered. The Government of India eventually recognised her exceptional contribution by conferring upon her the Padma Shri in 1966.

The honour was more than an award. It was a national acknowledgement that extraordinary courage can emerge from the most ordinary circumstances. For Jammu and Kashmir, the recognition was historic.

A village woman from Rajouri had become one of the earliest and most distinguished female recipients of a national civilian honour from the erstwhile state.

An Extraordinary Ashok Chakra recipient

If Mali Bee’s story is inspiring, the story of her village-mate makes it even more remarkable. Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din was not merely from Jhanghar. He too was a hero in his own right. A respected religious figure, he rendered exceptional service during critical periods of conflict and earned the admiration of both civilians and military personnel.

For his courage and dedication, he received the Ashok Chakra, India’s highest peacetime gallantry decoration.

The image of the elderly Maulvi proudly displaying his Ashok Chakra in a 1986 newspaper feature ( Kashmir Times) is a powerful reminder of a generation that viewed service to the Nation as a sacred duty.

Together, Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din formed a remarkable partnership.One received the Padma Shri. The other received the Ashok Chakra. Both served India in their own ways. Both became symbols of loyalty, sacrifice and courage. And both came from the same humble village.

Kashmir Times newspaper clipping (January 16, 1986)

Recognition Without Remembrance

The tragedy of their story lies not in what happened during their lifetimes but in what happened afterward.

Despite receiving some of the country’s highest honours, neither Mali Bee nor Ghulam-ud-Din occupies the place they deserve in Jammu and Kashmir’s public memory. There are no widely known biographies. Few educational institutions teach their story. Most young people in Jammu and Kashmir have never heard their names. Even official commemorations rarely mention them.

The passage of time has reduced their achievements to scattered references in archives, fading photographs and ageing newspaper reports.

Forgotten Face of Women’s Empowerment

The neglect of Mali Bee’s legacy is particularly unfortunate. Modern discourse rightly celebrates women achievers from Jammu and Kashmir in administration, sports, science and politics. Yet the story of a rural woman who displayed exceptional courage during one of the most turbulent periods in the region’s history receives little attention. Mali Bee embodied women’s empowerment long before the phrase entered public vocabulary.

She demonstrated that patriotism has no gender. She proved that courage does not depend on social status. And she showed that ordinary women can shape extraordinary history. Her life challenges the assumption that women were merely silent witnesses to the conflicts that shaped Jammu and Kashmir.

A Legacy Worth Reclaiming

The story of Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din is not merely about two individuals.It is about a generation that placed national interest above personal safety.It is about ordinary citizens who became extraordinary patriots.And it is about the responsibility of society to remember those who helped build the Nation.As India continues to celebrate its heroes, the names of Mali Bee and Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din deserve renewed recognition.Their contributions should find a place in school textbooks, public memorials, academic research and popular discourse.

Perhaps the most tragic aspect of their story is not what they endured during their lives, but what happened after. As decades passed, the names of Mali Bee and Ghulam-ud-Din slowly disappeared from public conversations. New generations grew up without hearing about them. Official commemorations became rare. Academic attention remained limited.

Today, when Jammu and Kashmir seeks to preserve its rich and diverse history, the story of Mali Bee and Maulvi Ghulam-ud-Din deserves renewed attention. Their lives challenge us to reconsider who we choose to remember.

*Dr. Rajesh Bhat is a veteran media professional, researcher and author with a Ph.D in Journalism and Mass Communication. He is deeply engaged in documenting the neglected socio-cultural and historical narratives of Jammu & Kashmir. As one of the founders of Kashmir Rechords Foundation, he works towards preserving archival heritage, recovering forgotten stories and bringing unsung personalities of the region into the public domain.

Do you know of other unsung heroes from the region whose stories deserve to be told? Let us know in the comments below.

When US Congman backed a ‘Secured Distt’ for Kashmiri Pandits!

Kashmir Rechords

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June 16, 2026

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When US Congman backed a ‘Secured Distt’ for Kashmiri Pandits!

— Kashmir Rechords Special Research Feature

A faded newspaper clipping from May 1997 has resurfaced at a time when the debate surrounding the return, rehabilitation and political future of Kashmiri Pandits is once again gaining attention. The clipping records an extraordinary intervention report with Washington dateline, May 28 wherein U.S. Congressman Sherrod Brown urging the then Prime Minister I.K. Gujral to consider the creation of a “secured district” in Jammu and Kashmir for displaced Kashmiri Pandits.

Nearly three decades later, the proposal remains relevant because it touches upon the central dilemma confronting the community since the 1990 exodus: Can Kashmiri Pandits return merely as individuals, or can they return as a secure and politically protected community? The question has remained unresolved despite the passage of 35 years.

A Forgotten International endorsement

The 1997 report written by veteran journalist T V Parasuram and the newspaper clipping preserved by Kashmir Rechords stated that US Congressman Sherrod Brown had suggested the establishment of a protected district for displaced Pandits and describing the continued inability of the community to return to their homes due to terrorism and insecurity. The proposal was presented as a humanitarian and security-oriented measure rather than a separatist political project.

The timing is significant.

By 1997, the exodus had entered its seventh year. Thousands of families continued to live in migrant camps in Jammu and elsewhere while targeted attacks on the remaining Pandits continued. The Sangrampora massacre would occur the same year, followed by Wandhama in 1998 and Nadimarg in 2003, reinforcing fears regarding the security of minorities in the Valley.

Brown’s proposal reflected a growing realization among observers that the return of Pandits could not be treated merely as a relief-and-rehabilitation issue.

The Shadow of Margdarshan 1991

The US Congressman’s proposal did not emerge in a vacuum.

Six years earlier, in December 1991, Panun Kashmir had adopted `Margdarshan Resolution‘, demanding a separate homeland for Kashmiri Hindus within the Valley under Indian sovereignty, similarly as Brown had pressed for “secured district’’ under Central Government.

The resolution represented the first organized political articulation of the collective trauma experienced by the displaced community.

What Sherrod Brown proposed as a “secured district” bore a striking resemblance to some of the practical objectives underlying the homeland demand, even if the terminology differed.

For homeland advocates, the issue was never simply about houses or compensation. It was about political survival.

Why US Congman take up the issue?

Several factors likely contributed to Brown’s intervention.

The 1990s witnessed global discussions on ethnic cleansing, minority rights and protected communities following conflicts in Bosnia, Rwanda and elsewhere. The disappearance of an entire indigenous minority from Kashmir naturally attracted attention among human rights circles.

Further, the early Kashmiri Pandit diaspora in North America had begun lobbying lawmakers, academics and policy institutions. Although small in number, these groups were highly educated and politically engaged. Their efforts ensured that the plight of displaced Pandits was occasionally raised in congressional circles.

By 1997 it had become obvious that the expectation of an early return had failed. The displaced population had already spent seven years in exile. A secured district was therefore viewed as a mechanism to create conditions for return rather than wait indefinitely for conditions to improve.

Why demand failed to gain momentum?

This is perhaps the most important historical question.

If the Margdarshan Resolution existed in 1991 and a U.S. Congressman publicly advocated a secured district in 1997, why did the proposal fail to translate into political reality? Why did Kashmiri Pandit organisations within India and abroad not pursue the idea more aggressively?

Part of the answer lies in the circumstances of the time. The first generation of displaced Kashmiri Pandits was struggling for survival. Families were rebuilding shattered lives in Jammu, Delhi and elsewhere, grappling with economic hardship, displacement, loss of property and uncertain futures. Political mobilization often took a back seat to immediate concerns of livelihood and education.

The diaspora itself was still in its formative stage. Unlike several other exile communities that enjoyed institutional backing and substantial international networks, Kashmiri Pandit organizations remained fragmented and resource-constrained. While the Margdarshan Resolution articulated a clear political vision, it did not receive sustained support from either the Indian state or influential international actors.

Moreover, successive governments preferred to frame the issue in terms of relief, rehabilitation and eventual return, rather than political restructuring or territorial safeguards. The larger Kashmir conflict—dominated by militancy, counter-insurgency and India-Pakistan tensions—often overshadowed the distinct concerns of the displaced Pandit community.

As a result, proposals such as a homeland, secured district or protected zone remained part of public discourse but never evolved into actionable policy.

Global Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora returns to Kashmir

Against this historical backdrop, the recent visit of the Global Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora (GKPD) to Kashmir assumes considerable significance.

Unlike the exile generation of the 1990s, the contemporary diaspora includes successful professionals, entrepreneurs, academics and second-generation Pandits from across the world. Their visit reflected a new phase in the Kashmiri Pandit discourse, though not without criticism and debate within sections of the community.

Reports emerging from the conclave, interactions and press conferences highlighted the need for a secure and dignified return, while also stressing cultural revival, heritage preservation and institutional support for the community’s future in the Valley. The emphasis appeared to be on creating sustainable mechanisms of return rather than limiting engagement to symbolic visits.

For many participants, the focus was on reconnecting with Kashmir and exploring practical pathways for the community’s reintegration. For critics, however, any discussion of return without addressing the unresolved questions of security, political representation and constitutional safeguards risked repeating the mistakes of the past.

A New debate emerges

The recent diaspora engagement has also exposed a continuing ideological divide within the community.

One section believes:

The time has come for practical engagement.
Return must begin through confidence-building measures.
Economic and cultural reintegration should be prioritized.

Another section argues:

Security guarantees remain inadequate.
Political safeguards must precede return.
The original homeland demand remains relevant.

This debate is not new. It mirrors the discussions that have existed since the early 1990s. What has changed is that a new generation—many of whom were born outside Kashmir or grew up in exile—is now participating in shaping the future discourse.

Looking back at 1997

The Sherrod Brown proposal deserves renewed attention because it demonstrates that international observers recognised a fundamental reality long ago.

The issue facing Kashmiri Pandits was never merely one of displacement. It was the challenge of ensuring the collective security and continuity of an indigenous minority that had been virtually uprooted from its historic homeland.

The Congressman called it a secured district.Panun Kashmir called it a homeland. Successive governments called it rehabilitation.The diaspora today speaks of dignified return.

Different expressions have been used over the decades, but the underlying concern has remained remarkably consistent as thirty-six years after the exodus, the Kashmiri Pandit question continues to revolve around four interconnected themes: justice, security, return and political safeguards.

History suggests that no lasting solution can emerge by addressing only one of these dimensions. A sustainable future for Kashmiri Pandits will require not merely physical return, but a framework that addresses the community’s long-standing concerns regarding identity, security, representation and permanence.

The faded newspaper clipping from May 1997 is, therefore, more than a historical curiosity. It is a reminder that a question raised before the world nearly three decades ago remains unanswered:

How can Kashmiri Pandits return not merely to their homes, but to a future in which they feel secure, represented and rooted once again in the land of their ancestors?

Makhan Lal Saraf: The Man Who Became Kashmir’s Stage, Screen, Soul

Jammu & Kashmir- Heritage

Kashmir Rechords

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June 15, 2026

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Makhan Lal Saraf: The Man Who Became Kashmir’s Stage, Screen, Soul

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

There are artists who perform on stage, and then there are artists who become the stage itself.

For generations of Kashmiris, Makhan Lal Saraf was not just an actor, director, playwright or broadcaster. He was a cultural institution—a familiar face, a trusted voice and a creative force whose journey mirrors the evolution of modern Kashmiri theatre and television. Today, as the veteran artiste receives the prestigious Sangeet Natak Akademi Award, the Nation finally acknowledges a lifetime devoted to preserving, enriching and reinventing Kashmiri dramatic arts.

Born in Srinagar and largely self-taught, Saraf entered the world of theatre in 1957, when he joined the stage through Habba Khatoon, written by Amin Kamil and directed by Radhey Krishen Braroo. It was a modest beginning, but one that would grow into one of the longest and most distinguished careers in the performing arts of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Boy Who Fell in Love with Theatre

Theatre in Kashmir during the 1950s and 1960s was more than entertainment; it was a social movement. Young Makhan Lal Saraf came under the influence of stalwarts like Ved Lal Vakil, Kashi Nath Bhan, and later the legendary Pran Kishore, whose mentorship helped shape his artistic vision. He quickly became a leading figure in Kashmir’s vibrant community theatre movement.

Audiences were captivated by his performances in productions such as Krishen Sudama, Tapasya, Aaram Haraam Hai, Mangoo, Hero Machama, Badshah, Vitasta, Tipu Sultan and many others. His acting combined humour, sarcasm, pathos and realism in equal measure, making him instantly relatable to ordinary Kashmiris.

Professor Arvind Gigoo aptly observed that Saraf blended humour, wisdom and social commentary so naturally that audiences embraced him as one of their own. His performances transformed community theatre into a powerful medium of social reflection.

A scene from play `Budshah’, written by A K Rehbar and directed by Makhan Lal Saraf, who also performed Budshah’s role.

The Voice that Entered Every Kashmiri Home

While theatre made him famous, radio made him immortal.

Beginning in 1958, Saraf became associated with Radio Kashmir, where his rich voice and remarkable versatility earned him the coveted status of an A-Grade Drama Artist. Over the decades, he performed in more than 500 radio plays, becoming one of the most recognizable voices in Kashmiri broadcasting.

The golden era of Radio Kashmir owes much to artists like him. In fact, broadcasting legend Padma Shri Pran Kishore described Saraf as an integral part of his creative journey in radio, theatre and films, calling him “a name to be reckoned with in theatre and television.”

Whether in serials such as Akh Oas Pohla, Vital Pacheesi, Vyth Rooz Pakan and Hero Machama, or in countless standalone dramas, Saraf’s voice carried stories into homes scattered across mountains, villages and towns.

A Pioneer of Kashmiri Television

When television arrived in Kashmir, Saraf was among its earliest architects.

Associated with Doordarshan Srinagar from the early years, he emerged as a top-category television artist, actor, producer, director and writer. His contribution to Kashmiri television is staggering. He wrote over 100 television serials and plays, acted in dozens more, and helped shape the language and grammar of television drama in the region.

Generations remember productions like Buniyaad, Pazar Yeli Mood, Shaher-i-Napursan, Manzil Nika, Reza Reza, Gulam Daag, Sindbad Machama, Nooristan, Samanbal and many others that bore his creative imprint.

Long before streaming platforms and digital content, Saraf had mastered the art of telling local stories with universal appeal.

A scene from Heemal Naigrai (1958) at at open air theatre at Hazoori Bagh, Srinagar.

Actor, Director, Playwright—All in One

Few artistes have worn as many creative hats as Makhan Lal Saraf.

He acted in more than forty major stage productions, directed numerous award-winning plays, and authored acclaimed scripts that explored social realities, moral dilemmas and human relationships.

His productions attracted some of Kashmir’s finest literary minds. Playwrights such as Ali Mohammad Lone, Pushkar Bhan, Moti Lal Kemmu, Bansi Nirdosh, Sajood Sailani, Hriday Kaul Bharti, and Avtar Krishen Rehbar wrote works that Saraf brought to life through his organisations and productions.

His play Rathwanday Maliniyo was staged at the National School of Drama International Festival in 2014, while his adaptation of Nove Gash drew inspiration from Rabindranath Tagore. His Kashmiri rendering of Dr. Faustus demonstrated his ability to connect world classics with local cultural sensibilities.

The Custodian of Kashmiri Theatre

Saraf’s contribution extended far beyond performance.

He founded Rungmunch Dramatic Club in 1967, Kashmir Theatres in 1973, and later the Bhoorang Foundation in Jammu, creating platforms that nurtured countless actors, writers and directors.

After the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990, Saraf carried the theatre movement with him to Jammu. Rather than surrender to despair, he rebuilt cultural institutions and kept the Kashmiri dramatic tradition alive in exile. His initiatives ensured that theatre remained a bridge between memory and identity for a displaced community.

In 1994, he launched the Sadbhavana Drama Festival in Jammu, further strengthening cultural dialogue during difficult times.

Scholar, Historian, Mentor

What distinguishes Saraf from many performers is his scholarly engagement with theatre.

His book “Theatre Movement in Kashmir” became so influential that it was prescribed in the Kashmiri Department of the University of Kashmir. He also authored “From Actor to Artist”, a guide for aspiring performers, and wrote extensively for journals published by cultural institutions including the Sangeet Natak Akademi.

Recognising his contribution to theatre studies, the Ministry of Culture, Government of India, awarded him a Senior Fellowship to research the history and folk traditions of Kashmiri theatre.

For decades, he also served as an adjudicator, mentor and workshop resource person, guiding younger generations of theatre practitioners.

(Makhan Lal Saraf performing in Vitasta, written by Dina Nath Nadim

Makhan Lal Saraf performing as Tipu Sultan — (Makhan Lal Saraf performing in Vitasta, written by Dina Nath Nadim

The Long Road to Recognition

Awards followed him throughout his career—Best Actor honours, Best Director awards, script awards, lifetime achievement recognitions, and the J&K Government’s State Award for Performing Arts. Yet none perhaps carries the symbolic weight of the Sangeet Natak Akademi Award.

For Kashmir’s theatre fraternity, the honour is deeply emotional. It celebrates not only a remarkable individual but also a generation that built cultural institutions with passion rather than resources.

A Living Archive of Kashmir

Today, when many of the pioneers of Kashmiri theatre have faded into memory, Makhan Lal Saraf remains a living archive of that glorious tradition.

He has witnessed the journey from open-air performances at Srinagar’s parks to television studios, from analogue radio dramas to digital storytelling, from a thriving cultural landscape to displacement and reconstruction. Through every upheaval, he never abandoned theatre.

That perhaps is his greatest achievement.

The Sangeet Natak Akademi Award recognizes an artist. But for Kashmir, it honours something larger—the resilience of a culture, the endurance of memory, and the extraordinary journey of a man who spent nearly seventy years ensuring that the Kashmiri story continued to be told.

Makhan Lal Saraf did not merely act in Kashmir’s cultural history. He helped write it.

Source Note

The article draws upon details furnished by Shri Makhan Lal Saraf in discussions with the Kashmir Records Foundation at Jammu. The accompanying photographs have been procured through special arrangement and are published courtesy of Shri Makhan Lal Saraf.