In the ever-complex political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir, one constituency that has consistently drawn attention is the Habba Kadal seat in the Srinagar district. Historically, it has held a unique position due to its significant Kashmiri Pandit population, which, even before their mass migration in 1990, was viewed as a key demographic capable of tipping the scales in election outcomes. Even in infamous 1987 election and after their exodus, this constituency remains of great symbolic importance, attracting interest from both local and international communities. The upcoming election on Wednesday, September 25, 2024, is no different, as eyes from around the globe remain fixated on Habba Kadal.
The pattern of attention in Kashmir, particularly during any poll time, is not new; it has recurred during every election cycle, in any segment. The 1987 Jammu and Kashmir State Assembly election, for instance, offers a stark reminder of the significance of Habba Kadal constituency. At that time, the atmosphere in the Kashmir Valley was tense, with political friction brewing, especially in sensitive areas. According to archival reports, reproduced by Kashmir Rechords here, the day of polling, March 23, 1987, was marred by arson, clashes, and incidents of stabbing in many constituencies, including Habba Kadal—a level of unrest that had never been witnessed before in the area.
The 1987 election was particularly contentious, with the National Conference (NC) under Farooq Abdullah and Congress forming an alliance, bolstered by the support of the Awami Action Committee. Their primary opposition came from the Muslim United Front (MUF), a coalition of religious and separatist elements that challenged the political status quo. In Habba Kadal, the NC-Congress alliance fielded P. L. Handoo, a Kashmiri Pandit who had been shifted from Pahalgam, hoping to secure the Pandit vote that formed nearly a third of the constituency’s 60,000-strong electorate.
In 1987, the Kashmiri Pandit community was divided. While Handoo represented the NC-Congress alliance, another prominent Pandit, Tika Lal Taploo, contested the election as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate. The fractured Pandit vote became a point of intense debate within the community. H. N. Jattu, leader of the All India Kashmiri Pandit Conference (AIKPC), made an impassioned appeal to his fellow Pandits to rally behind the NC-Congress alliance. Yet, many within the community remained torn between supporting Handoo or backing Taploo, leading to deep divisions on election day.
Handoo also faced strong opposition from Mushtaq Ahmad of the MUF, and while there were three more candidates in the fray, they were considered minor players. The combination of candidates from diverse ideological backgrounds ensured that Habba Kadal would become a flashpoint in the 1987 election, symbolizing the broader political and communal tensions of the time.
That same year, a similar high-stakes contest unfolded in Haba Kadal’s neighbouring Amira Kadal constituency. Here, the NC’s former Minister G. M. Shah was pitted against MUF’s Mohammad Yusuf Shah, the latter being a significant figure in separatist circles. By 1987, Mohammad Yusuf Shah had already gained prominence as the “Amir-e-Jamat” of Srinagar district, a title reflecting his influence within the Jamaat-e-Islami party.
His campaign was marked by fervent public engagement, as he moved from house to house, waving green flags emblazoned with images of the Holy Quran, calling on voters to support his cause.
Amira Kadal’s 52,000 voters represented a microcosm of the larger political dynamics playing out in Kashmir. It was a diverse constituency, with significant numbers of women, Shia Muslims, Hindus (including Punjabi State Subjects), and Sikhs. This variety of demographics made it difficult to predict the electoral outcome, as each group had to weigh their support between candidates espousing separatist ideologies or the more conventional political establishment represented by the NC-Congress alliance.
Despite the high drama and tension, P. L. Handoo ultimately won the Habba Kadal seat, while G. M. Shah secured victory in Amira Kadal, defeating Mohammad Yusuf Shah. However, these victories were overshadowed by widespread allegations of rigging, which would have long-lasting consequences for the region. The 1987 election is often cited as a catalyst for the insurgency that erupted in the Valley soon after, and Mohammad Yusuf Shah, the defeated MUF candidate, would later cross the border into Pakistan and become Syed Salahuddin, the notorious leader of the Hizbul Mujahideen militant group.
Fast forward to 2024, Habba Kadal once again finds itself at the centre of political intrigue. The upcoming election, while lacking the violent overtones of 1987, is nonetheless fraught with tension. The Kashmiri Pandit community, many of whom have resettled in other parts of India and abroad, continues to watch the constituency closely. Their political relevance may have diminished over the decades, but the symbolic value of Habba Kadal remains strong, representing a lingering connection to their homeland and a reminder of the turbulent history that has shaped both the constituency and the broader Kashmir Valley.
As polling day approaches, with some groups calling for a boycott or urging voters to press NOTA, the question remains: what will be the voting pattern and final outcome in the Habba Kadal constituency? What political dynamics will shape the electorate’s decision? And regardless of the result, will Habba Kadal continue to be known as the “Constituency of Kashmiri Pandits,” given its history of producing prominent Pandit leaders across the political spectrum?
In 1987 Elections, the MUF campaigned on a platform that promoted Islamic governance through “Nizam-e-Mustafa” (Islamic Rule), which presented a significant dilemma for the Indian government. The prospect of the MUF coming to power was seen as a direct threat to the State, and had MUF succeeded, it could have radically altered the political landscape of Kashmir.
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
The 1987 Jammu and Kashmir Assembly election is often seen as a watershed moment in the region’s history. Widely believed to be a turning point, the election is frequently cited as the moment when militancy in Kashmir was born, driven by widespread allegations of electoral rigging. These allegations remain a powerful reminder of the events that set the stage for Kashmir’s prolonged conflict.
Allegations of Rigging and Political Fallout
For years, separatist groups have accused both the Government of India and the State of manipulating the election results. Ironically, these claims of electoral malpractice have now been echoed by even “national political parties” in more recent times, but often for self-serving purposes. These accusations, now resurfacing during Jammu and Kashmir’s first elections since its reduction to Union Territory status, are being used to discredit the regional political figures from that era.
The Rise of the Muslim United Front
The 1987 elections saw the emergence of the Muslim United Front (MUF), a formidable political coalition that challenged the existing order. The MUF campaigned on a platform that promoted Islamic governance through “Nizam-e-Mustafa” (Islamic Rule), which presented a significant dilemma for the Indian government. The prospect of the MUF coming to power was seen as a direct threat to the State, and had MUF succeeded, it could have radically altered the political landscape of Kashmir.
The Political Landscape of 1987
Veteran journalist S.D. Rohmetra, founder of Daily Excelsior, had foreseen the rise of the MUF and warned about its growing influence. The MUF made significant gains in regions traditionally controlled by the National Conference (NC), signalling a potential shift in political dominance. Although ultimately defeated, the MUF’s strong showing in areas like Sopore, where Syed Ali Shah Geelani defeated NC’s Abdul Ahad Vakil by over 4,000 votes, sent shockwaves through the political establishment. MUF also secured substantial votes in urban constituencies like Amirakadal and Zadibal, both NC strongholds.
Rigging Allegations
The rigging accusations surrounding the 1987 election are still debated today. Many believe that the Indian government saw an MUF victory as a destabilizing force that would have shifted the balance of power towards more radical, religious politics. To avoid this, attempts were allegedly made to ensure that the MUF was kept out of power, even if it meant manipulating the results. This perceived injustice contributed significantly to the sense of political disenfranchisement among many Kashmiris, laying the foundation for future unrest.
The Aftermath: The Rise of Militancy
The defeat of the MUF in the 1987 election was not the end of its political story. Many MUF leaders had already devised an alternative plan—Plan B—in case they were unable to secure power through the democratic process. After their defeat, several leaders crossed into Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), where they received arms training. Upon their return, they initiated the insurgency that has since engulfed Kashmir in violence, a conflict that has endured for nearly four decades.
The disenfranchisement born out of the 1987 elections, coupled with the rise of radical elements within Kashmir, provided fertile ground for external influences, particularly from Pakistan. As MUF leaders took refuge and trained in PoK, they found logistical and military support to launch an armed uprising against the Indian State. This insurgency has claimed thousands of lives and left behind a legacy of bitterness, violence, and instability. Meanwhile, some nationalist political parties in India have reignited the debate over the 1987 election rigging for their electoral gain, often overlooking the long-term consequences of such rhetoric.
A Legacy of Fragile Politics
The 1987 Jammu and Kashmir elections remain a stark reminder of how fragile political institutions can be when trust in democratic processes is eroded. Whether the allegations of rigging are true or exaggerated, the perception of injustice fostered widespread disillusionment and led to the violent insurgency that continues to plague the region. For about 40 years, the people of Jammu and Kashmir have borne the brunt of this turmoil, as political, religious, and nationalistic forces continue to vie for control.
The legacy of the 1987 elections is more than just political—it is a deeply ingrained part of Kashmir’s social and cultural history. As Jammu and Kashmir moves forward, particularly as a Union Territory, the lessons from 1987 should not be forgotten. The future stability of the region depends on ensuring that history does not repeat itself, and that democratic institutions are strengthened to secure lasting peace and stability.
What makes this story even more heartbreaking is that it wasn’t terrorists from across the border who claimed Dr. Mathu’s life, but some of his own colleagues—people he trusted, people he worked with.
(By: Dr. Rajesh Bhat)
In the troubled landscape of Jammu and Kashmir, where militancy has claimed countless lives, the loss of talented individuals has often been overlooked. The mountains and valleys of this conflicted land have witnessed unimaginable grief, especially for those like Dr. Deepak Mathu, a bright star among the Kashmiri Pandits, whose life was tragically cut short under suspicious circumstances. His story, however, isn’t just one of a life lost to terrorism, but of a young man’s dreams, ambitions, and ultimately, betrayal by those he trusted.
A Brilliant Soul with Great Ambition
Dr. Mathu was not just any ordinary soul. He was a brilliant mind, a kind heart, and a man with a vision for the Nation. Born to devoted parents, he grew up with a fierce desire to make a difference. After completing his Medical Degree with distinction, he could have easily settled into a prestigious career as a doctor. But his ambitions were far greater. Determined to serve the Nation, he set his sights on the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), eventually earning a place in the Indian Police Service (IPS) cadre for Jammu and Kashmir. His future was bright, and his path was one that would have surely led to greatness.
But tragically, his life took an unexpected and devastating turn!
The Mysterious Death
In the early 1990s, amid the growing unrest in Srinagar, Dr. Mathu, an IPS Officer, posted in Srinagar, was found dead under mysterious circumstances. His family, devastated by the loss, refused to believe that his death was a mere accident. The circumstances surrounding his passing raised too many questions, and it soon became clear that his life had been snuffed out as part of a sinister conspiracy. What makes this story even more heartbreaking is that it wasn’t terrorists from across the border who claimed Dr. Mathu’s life, but some of his own colleagues—people he trusted, people he worked with.
A Father’s Unyielding Quest for Justice
For his father, the quest for justice became an unrelenting pursuit. Days turned into weeks, and weeks into months, as he knocked on every door of authority, hoping to unearth the truth behind his son’s death. Yet, every effort was met with cold bureaucracy, frustrating delays, and the callousness of a system that often fails to protect its best and brightest. Despite his tireless efforts, Dr. Mathu’s father was left without answers.
But his love for his son never waned. Even in the face of this crushing silence, Dr. Mathu’s parents found a way to honor their fallen hero. For months after his death, they would visit newspaper offices, carrying their son’s photograph—dressed proudly in his police uniform—hoping that the world would remember their son not just as another victim of the militancy, but as a man of honor, integrity, and boundless potential.
The Pain of Betrayal
The killing of innocents, especially those by conspiracy, is a betrayal of the highest order. It’s a wound that cuts deeper than any other. While terrorism in Kashmir has taken the lives of many, the cold-blooded conspiracy that claimed the life of Dr. Mathu is a reminder of a different kind of darkness—the kind that grows within. His death was not just a loss to his family, but to the Nation, to the people he had set out to protect.
Dr. Deepak Mathu was a man who had the world at his feet, a son who made his parents proud, and a patriot who wanted to serve his country. His untimely death left a void that can never be filled. Unfortunately, most of us have forgotten him….But as long as his story is told, his memory will live on—not just as a victim of a conspiracy, but as a symbol of what Kashmir, and indeed the entire Nation, lost during those dark days. His father’s quest for justice continues to echo in the hearts of those who still remember, a reminder that some wounds can never heal until the truth is known.
Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
Over 120 years ago, in a powerful and impassioned letter, Annie Besant, President of the Board of Trustees of the Central Hindu College, Benares, made a heartfelt appeal to Kashmiri Pandits living in Undivided India! Her message was clear: rise to the occasion and support the establishment of a Hindu college in Srinagar. “The time has come for Kashmiri Pandits to contribute to the education of their homeland, or risk seeing their youth steered towards foreign ideals by Christian missionaries, flush with funds from English donors,” she warned.
Besant’s letter, published and circulated in major newspapers and journals of the time, was a rallying cry to preserve the cultural and intellectual future of Kashmir. She highlighted the urgent need for funds to elevate the Hindu High School in Srinagar—established in 1901 with the support of Maharaja Pratap Singh and his brother Amar Singh—into a second-grade college. Without this, Kashmiri students had to travel to distant cities like Lahore for higher education, a privilege many could not afford. Kashmir Rechords is in possession of this prized archival letter and is reproducing some of its excerpts here.
Kashmir Education at a Crossroad
At the heart of Besant’s letter was the belief that the educational future of Kashmir was at a critical juncture. The lack of higher education in the Valley meant that non-Kashmiris filled most senior positions in the State, an issue that deeply concerned both the Maharaja and the State Durbar, she warned. To remedy this, they were determined to build and fund a college in Srinagar. However, progress was being stalled, and Besant’s letter sought the active support of the prosperous Kashmiri Pandit community living in British India to make this vision a reality.
Besant’s letter warned that without swift action, missionaries could seize the opportunity to establish their own college, steering Kashmiri youth away from their cultural roots. “Do you want your children to turn into ‘Native Christians’?” she asked in her letter, pointing to the urgent need for preserving the region’s traditions through education.
Annie Besant’s Plan: A Call for Contributions
Besant’s appeal focused on a practical solution: regular financial contributions from Kashmiri Pandits. She outlined the importance of guaranteed monthly subscriptions—whether Rs. 5, Rs. 10, Rs. 25, Rs. 50, or Rs. 100—to ensure the long-term success of the college. “Many of you can afford this without feeling any financial strain,” she reassured, urging the community to act swiftly.
Donations, along with the first month’s subscription, could be sent to the Honorary Secretary of the Central Hindu College, Benaras, clearly marked for the “Kashmir College Fund.” One-time donations for initial expenses were also welcome, but regular support was essential for ensuring the stability of the college in the years to come.
Empowering Kashmir’s Youth
Since its establishment in 1901, the Hindu High School in Srinagar had provided quality education to over 600 boys, with two additional branch schools serving younger students. The Maharaja, eager to promote higher education in his State, had worked tirelessly with the Durbar to raise the status of the school to that of a second-grade college. Yet, without sufficient funds, this vision was under threat.
At the time, Kashmiri students who wished to pursue higher education had no option but to leave the Valley for places like Lahore. For those unable to afford this, higher education remained a distant dream, and the local administration struggled to fill top government positions with qualified Kashmiri candidates. Annie Besant’s appeal came at a crucial moment, urging the community to take control of their own educational destiny.
The Legacy of Annie Besant’s Appeal
Following Besant’s passionate plea, a local managing committee was formed in Srinagar to oversee the efforts to establish the college. There is a mention of the same in her letter. The committee included prominent figures like Dr. Bal Krishna Kaul, Rai Sahab Daya Krishna Kaul (Private Secretary to the Maharaja), Bhavani Das (Revenue Officer), Swami Baldev Ji and H.A. Wilson (Principal of the Srinagar Hindu High School), with Rishivara Mukherji serving as Honorary Secretary.
The Maharaja gladly obliged, and in 1905, the foundation of the Hindu College was laid. Initially operating from two rooms near the present-day Secretariat building, the college was eventually shifted to its permanent site in 1911.
The institution, later renamed Sri Pratap College, became affiliated with Panjab University, Lahore, marking the beginning of higher education in Kashmir. Besant’s efforts, combined with the support of the Kashmiri Pandit community, ensured that the youth of Kashmir could now pursue their academic aspirations without leaving their homeland. The future of Kashmiri education had been secured, and the cultural and intellectual heritage of the Valley was preserved for generations to come.
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It’s election season in Jammu and Kashmir, and along with the heat of political rallies, there’s a delightful breeze of humour wafting through the region. As the erstwhile State preps for its first Union Territory polls, voters are not just talking about candidates—they’re swapping stories about the quirky characters and legendary “contenders” from days gone by.
Let’s introduce you to one such gem: the famous `Sharabi Congress’, a party that, well, was less about policy and more about party! The general secretary of this, shall we say, spirited group was none other than Ram Swaroop Chaudhary, a journalist by profession and an election candidate by obsession.
Chronic Contestants
Now, here’s where it gets fun. Chaudhary, bless his dedication, was the type of candidate you couldn’t help but admire—even if his vote counts were the stuff of punchlines. He contested in everything from panchayat polls to Parliamentary elections, becoming a regular on the election scene. In fact, his relentless participation earned him the nickname “Chronic Contestant,” the man who seemed destined for the ballot, if not the victory podium. He had a journalist counter-part from Kashmir, Mr P. N Kaul Vakil, who too had a distinction of contesting all elections from Kashmir, including the one held in 1987.
Records available with Kashmir Rechords reveal that Chaudhary contested elections from as early as 1983, when he tried his luck in the Jammu West constituency. In 1987, he made a bold strategic move and shifted to Jammu East, vying for an Assembly seat among 19 other hopefuls. But it wasn’t until the 1996 Parliamentary elections that Chaudhary truly made his mark—well, a small mark. He bagged an awe-inspiring 4,976 votes. To put that in perspective, in the 1987 Assembly polls, he managed to snag… drumroll… three whole votes! Hey, every vote counts, right?
Bottled Dreams
The cherry on top of this electoral cocktail was Chaudhary’s “bottle dream.” The man had his heart set on one symbol: a bottle. Every election, he’d approach the authorities, pleading for his permanent party symbol to be a bottle—his way of representing the drinking masses, or so he claimed. Unfortunately, his request was never met. He was every time granted different election symbol as an Independent Candidate.
Different Election Symbols granted to Sharabi Congress in various elections
According to noted Journalist, R C Ganjoo, Ram Swaroop’s manifesto, too, was something straight out of an alternative universe. Among his bold promises? Lowering the drinking age to 18, providing a liquor tap for every family that wanted one, and setting up “drinking sheds” throughout his constituency. Visionary, right?
Now, while Chaudhary and his Sharabi Congress might have been the toast of J&K’s quirky political scene, they weren’t the only unique party in town. There was also Congress Tiwari—that tried to make a splash in 1996 J&K elections too. Neither quite managed to leave an indelible mark, but their spirit of contesting never wavered.
To top it all off, Chaudhary had an equally eccentric group of supporters. One such supporter was an Editor of a Jammu-based newspaper “ Be Kafan Janaza’’. Not only did this editor offer complimentary space in his own publication, but he even paid for advertisements in other newspapers.
Dharti Pakads
Of course, J&K isn’t unique in producing chronic contestants. Every state in India has its very own “Dharti Pakkads”—those candidates who cling to the political landscape year after year, poll after poll. The term itself stems from a gentleman who famously filed papers for every possible election, including Presidential ones. Their determination, like Chaudhary’s, is as solid as the ground they stand on, even if their voter base is as shaky as their election results.
So, as the Union Territory heads to the polls, remember the unsung heroes of democracy—the candidates who never give up, no matter how many votes they get. Cheers to them, and especially to Ram Swaroop who will forever be remembered as the man who dreamt of a bottle on the ballot.
Every year on September 14, Kashmiri Pandits observe Martyrdom Day to remember their leaders and loved ones lost in the conflict of 1989-1990. One name often evoked is Pt. Tika Lal Taploo, a prominent Pandit leader whose assassination on September 14, 1989, marked the beginning of a tragic chapter that culminated in the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits on January 19, 1990. However, the martyrdom of the community extends far beyond Taploo’s death. The true tragedy lies in the loss of countless Pandits who perished far from their homeland, denied the dignity of being cremated in the sacred land of their ancestors.
For the displaced community, it wasn’t just about losing their homes, but also the final connection to their heritage—the right to rest in their own land.
Rajinder Park: A Refuge for Grief and Last Rites
In the early 1990s, the Pandit community, thrust into exile in Jammu, faced an overwhelming dilemma. With no place to gather, no traditional cremation grounds, and a communication vacuum in an era before social media, they were left in disarray. Unlike today, when a death can be shared instantly on platforms like WhatsApp, Kashmiri Pandits relied on local newspapers to spread the heart-breaking news of terrorist killings in Kashmir. The absence of a central address, a shared space for collective grief, further deepened the community’s alienation.
It was in this void that Rajinder Park, located on Jammu’s Canal Road, emerged as an unintended sanctuary. Originally a public space, it transformed into a vital gathering place where Kashmiri Pandits could come together, mourn their dead, and perform the last rites, the Tenth-Day Kriya. Families, who had fled the horrors of their homeland, now found themselves in Rajinder Park, a place that soon became symbolic of their new reality—an exile with no true home.
A Landmark of Resilience
For the older generation of Kashmiri Pandits, Rajinder Park is etched deeply in their memory. It became a witness to their collective sorrow, where the sounds of sobbing and whispered prayers replaced the serenity that once filled the park. It served as a space of solace, where families would honor their deceased and perform rituals, which were traditionally reserved for the sacred Ghats of Kashmir. In the absence of their homeland, Rajinder Park became the place where they could cling to their cultural traditions, even if it was in the heart of an unfamiliar city.
The park played this critical role for years until more formal Tenth Day Kriya Ghats were established at Muthi , Tawi Bridge in Jammu and at the banks of Chenab near Akhnoor Town. Yet, for many in the community, Rajinder Park remains more than a temporary refuge; it is a powerful reminder of those early years of displacement when Kashmiri Pandits were forced to navigate unimaginable grief and loss in exile.
While many of the younger generation may not know its significance, Rajinder Park Jammu stands as a monument to the resilience, sacrifice, and endurance of the Kashmiri Pandit community. For those who lived through the harrowing events of 1990, the park is more than just a physical space—it is a testament to the strength of a people who, even in the depths of despair, found ways to preserve their dignity and cultural identity.
For every Kashmiri Pandit who died far from home, Rajinder Park, Jammu stands as a poignant reminder that their sacrifices, and the shared history of their community, will never be forgotten.
Even after Government’s announcement several years ago, the Lal Ded Chair remains unrealized, casting a shadow over efforts to honor Kashmir’s most revered mystic poet.
(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)
As Kashmiri Pandits off-late observe the birth anniversary of one of their most revered figures, Lalleshwari—popularly known as Lal Ded—the long-promised recognition of her legacy through a dedicated academic chair remains unrealized. In December 2019, Ms Smriti Irani in the capacity of Union Minister for Women and Child Development, announced the establishment of 10 chairs named after eminent women across various fields. The Chairs, to be funded by the Ministry, were supposed to be established by University Grants Commission (UGC). Taking a cue from his Ministerial Colleague, the then Union Minister for Human Resource Development, Mr Ramesh Pokhriyal ‘Nishank’ on March 16, 2020 announced the same in a written reply to the Lok Sabha. Among them was the promise of a chair dedicated to Lalleshwari, the 14th-century mystic poet of Kashmir, who is hailed by all religious communities in the Valley. However, despite the passage of time, there has been no tangible progress on this initiative.
The announcement, made with much fanfare, was part of a broader move by the Ministry of Women and Child Development to inspire young women to pursue higher education by honoring female luminaries in India’s history. Along with Lalleshwari, other iconic women were included in this effort, such as freedom fighter Mahadevi Verma, singer M.S. Subbulakshmi, and Maratha queen Devi Ahilyabai Holkar.
Lalleshwari holds a unique place in the socio-cultural and spiritual landscape of Kashmir. Her poetic verses, known as Vakhs, resonate with deep Shaivite philosophy, mystical symbolism, and spiritual enlightenment. She bridged divides, becoming a shared symbol of mysticism, revered by Hindus and Muslims alike. Yet, despite this towering influence, her academic recognition through the proposed UGC chair remains stalled.
The initiative, which promised to fund each chair with an annual financial allocation of ₹50 lakh, was intended to encourage research and knowledge production around women’s contributions to various fields, including literature, science, and social reform. Lalleshwari’s chair was specifically meant to highlight her contributions to poetry and mysticism.
Stalled Progress Amid Ongoing Celebrations
Even as devotees prepare Taher (a traditional yellow rice dish) and recite her Vakhs to celebrate her Jayanti today, the absence of any substantial movement towards establishing the chair raises concerns about the government’s commitment to its promises. For many in the academic cicles, the chair was seen not only as a symbol of recognition but also as a way to preserve and advance Lalleshwari’s teachings for future generations.
The UGC, in collaboration with the universities, was tasked with appointing scholars and academics to lead these chairs. The criteria were clear: individuals with outstanding academic and scholarly track records, aged between 55 and 70, would be selected through a rigorous nomination process. Despite these guidelines being in place, the progress on appointing scholars to lead the Lal Ded Chair remains elusive.
A Symbolic Loss for Women-Centric Academia
The delay in setting up the Lal Ded Chair is emblematic of a larger issue: the slow pace at which women-centric academic initiatives materialize in India. This chair, like the others announced, was supposed to contribute to research and create spaces for dialogues, seminars, and publications that celebrate women’s historical contributions. Lalleshwari’s chair, in particular, was meant to explore the intersections of poetry, mysticism, and spiritual thought, potentially bridging ancient wisdom with modern academic discourse.
The fact that so many years have passed without any concrete developments is disappointing not only for the Kashmiri Pandit community but also for scholars and students who hoped to engage with her rich legacy through academic work.
With the passing of veteran Kashmiri Pandit leader H.N. Jattu on September 3, 2024, an era quietly came to an end. A leader who straddled the pre- and post-migration worlds of Kashmiri Pandits, Jattu was no stranger to controversy. Throughout his life, he faced opposition both within his own community and from external forces, but he remained steadfast in his convictions.
Standing Tall Amid Crisis
As the president of the All India Kashmiri Pandit Conference (AIKPC), Jattu’s leadership was marked by bold and often dangerous decisions. On November 6, 1989, he held a press conference in Srinagar, raising alarms about the growing threats to Kashmiri Pandits. The Valley was already a tinderbox, and his warnings, though prescient, went largely unheard. Soon after, like many others, Jattu was forced to leave Kashmir, a departure fraught with internal criticism. Some accused him of stoking tensions, while others alleged that he had played into the hands of those exploiting Kashmir’s unrest.
One particularly damaging episode occurred in 1990 when a letter, allegedly signed by Kashmiri Pandit leaders, was published in Kashmir’s Urdu newspaper Alsafah, falsely blaming Jattu for actions he had not taken. This calculated move created confusion and dented his public image. Today, the controversial letter circulates on the internet, exploited by those who deny the plight and genocide of Kashmiri Pandits. Despite the backlash, Jattu remained undeterred in his advocacy for his people.
Calling for a Second Migration
Barely a year after the mass exodus of 1990, Jattu made another bold move. In 1991, citing growing hostility towards displaced Kashmiri Pandits in Jammu and the government’s inaction, he called on his community to prepare for yet another migration. He pointed to anti-Kashmiri Pandit rhetoric from certain political and regional factions, which had instilled fear among the already displaced. While Jattu’s concerns were not unfounded, this statement further fractured the ranks of the AIKPC.
The internal discord within the AIKPC reached its peak when J.N. Saproo, a former ally, ousted Jattu from the presidency on September 26, 1991. Saproo and the AIKPC’s general secretary, P.K. Kaul (Badgami), accused him of mishandling critical events, including the Somyar incident and the overall crisis of migration. Though this internal power struggle tarnished Jattu’s image, he refused to give up.
Rebuilding in Exile
After his political defeat within the AIKPC, Jattu shifted his focus to Delhi, where he continued to work for the displaced Kashmiri Pandit community. He led efforts to help families rebuild their lives, providing assistance in setting up businesses and securing livelihoods. His leadership in exile gave many families a renewed sense of purpose and identity during a time of great uncertainty.
In his later years, Jattu returned to Jammu, hoping to reconnect with the community he had once led. However, the landscape had changed. New organizations had emerged, each with its own agenda, leaving little space for Jattu’s return to prominence. Despite his desire to re-establish himself, the combination of his advancing age and the shifting political dynamics made it impossible for him to regain his former stature. Nevertheless, Jattu accepted this new reality with grace, remaining a respected elder in the community.
A Legacy of Defiance
Throughout his life, Jattu remained a polarizing figure. His strong stance on the 1990 exodus and his unrelenting criticism of political manipulations made him a target for many, both within and outside the Kashmiri Pandit community. Yet, he remained unwavering in his commitment to justice and the survival of his people.
H.N. Jattu’s legacy is one of resilience and defiance. Though his leadership was not without its controversies, he stood tall in the face of adversity. As the community bids farewell to this veteran leader, his contributions to the Kashmiri Pandit cause will be remembered as part of a long, difficult struggle for justice and survival in exile. In both life and death, Jattu embodied the spirit of a people who refused to be forgotten.
As Jammu and Kashmir prepares for its first Assembly elections since the abrogation of Article 370, the political landscape reflects a blend of renewed aspirations and deep-seated apprehension. For Kashmiri Pandits (KPs), this election is not just a test of democracy, but a referendum on their political future, mirroring the fraught environment of the 1996 elections held amidst militancy.
1996: A Moment of Political Defiance
The 1996 elections, held after years of insurgency, saw an unprecedented political vacuum in the Valley, where the specter of violence hung heavy. Political assassinations and militancy created a climate of fear, forcing parties to scramble for candidates. Despite this, several Kashmiri Pandits entered the electoral race, reflecting a community’s resolve to reassert itself in the Valley. Political outfits like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress fielded Pandit candidates in sensitive constituencies like Habba Kadal, Amirakadal, and Hazratbal. In Habba Kadal, KP votes were anticipated to be pivotal, but it was National Conference’s P. L. Handoo who ultimately emerged victorious, relying on support from local Muslims.
Much like today, KP organizations called for an election boycott in 1996, citing marginalization, an echo that has returned in 2024. However, there were Organizations like Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Amphalla, Jammu who encouraged KPs to actively take part in the polls.
2024: A Deja Vu of Dilemma
In 2024, Kashmiri Pandits once again find themselves at a crossroads. Fourteen KP candidates, including two from the BJP, have filed nominations, but many within the community remain disillusioned. Some KP organizations have renewed their boycott calls, accusing the political system of paying lip service to their plight while doing little to acknowledge the genocide-like conditions they endured during the exodus of the 1990s.
While a few candidates aim to bridge divides and secure a dignified return of KPs to their ancestral homeland, the boycott movement appears to be a strong, highlighting an entrenched belief that participation in elections could be interpreted as complicity in their ongoing marginalization.
The Genocide Recognition Demand: A Political Flashpoint
Central to the community’s discontent is the demand for official recognition of their exodus as genocide. Many KP organizations argue that meaningful political engagement cannot occur until this historical injustice is acknowledged. The Kashmiri Pandit Citizens’ Meet, held ahead of the 2024 polls, reiterated these concerns, calling the election process a “facade of normalcy” designed to ignore their grievances. For these leaders, the absence of genocide recognition is a non-negotiable point, and their boycott is a form of protest against a system they feel continues to marginalize them.
Habba Kadal: The Epicentre of KP Politics
Habba Kadal, a constituency with deep historical significance for Kashmiri Pandits, has once again become a key battleground. In 2024, six of the fourteen KP candidates are contesting from this seat, including BJP’s Ashok Kumar Bhat and Lok Jan Shakti Party’s Sanjay Saraf who advocates for the return of KPs with dignity, emphasizing their role as “ambassadors of peace.”
However, the divide within the community remains stark. While some are eager to return to the political arena, others are firm in their rejection, questioning the sincerity of parties that have yet to address their long-standing grievances.
Political Resurgence or Continued Marginalization?
As the elections approach, the question of KP political relevance is once again in the spotlight. In 1996, some felt the community was losing its political clout—a sentiment that has only intensified over the years. Local Muslims, now driving many of the political agendas, have largely filled the vacuum once occupied by KPs.
For Kashmiri Pandits, the 2024 elections represent both an opportunity and a risk. On one hand, it offers a chance to regain their political voice in a region that has increasingly side-lined them. On the other, participation in a process that ignores their core demands could deepen their sense of alienation.
As the election campaign unfolds, the Kashmiri Pandit community remains in a state of flux—caught between a desire to re-engage politically and the fear of further marginalization. The participation of KP candidates may offer a glimmer of hope for a community longing to reclaim its place in Kashmir’s political fabric, but whether this marks the beginning of a political resurgence or the continuation of their exclusion remains an open question.
In the late 19th century, a myth took root that Kashmiri Pandits, a so called educated and affluent community, monopolized top bureaucratic positions under Maharaja Pratap Singh. Contrary to this belief, the majority of Kashmiri Pandits, between 1890 and 1910, were struggling with poverty and educational backwardness. Most were relegated to low-paying jobs, far removed from the narrative of success.
Pandit Gopi Nath Saheb, a leading figure in the Kashmiri Reform Association, shattered these misconceptions in a landmark speech in 1904. Addressing students at Hindu College, Srinagar, his bold words revealed a grim truth about the community’s condition, which had been overlooked. The speech, later published in influential periodicals edited by statesman Tej Bahadur Sapru, cast a glaring light on the struggles of Kashmiri Pandits.
A speech of Pt Gopi Nath Saheb, 1904
Spiritual and Economic Struggles
Pandit Gopi Nath’s fiery critique exposed a community gripped by spiritual and economic decline. He accused his fellow Pandits of succumbing to the burden of menial jobs, neglecting educational and entrepreneurial opportunities. The Kashmiri Reform Association, founded in 1903 under Pandit Jia Lal Shivpuri, aimed to combat these issues, advocating societal reforms to uplift the impoverished community.
At the time, many Kashmiri Pandits sought economic favours from Punjabi businessmen, abandoning their cultural identity by trading their traditional turbans for Punjabi attire. This cultural shift symbolized a community willing to sacrifice its heritage for survival.
Kashmiri Pandits performing a menial job at a Silk Factory, Srinagar
Child Labour and the Silk Factory Scandal
One of the most heart-wrenching aspects of Pandit Gopi Nath’s speech was his criticism of child labour in the Srinagar Silk Factory. Srinagar-based Kashmiri Pandit fathers, driven by poverty, were regularly sending children as young as ten to work in grueling conditions. These children toiled in boiling silkworm cocoons or spinning wheels for meager wages, deprived of education and a brighter future.
Kashmiri Pandits performing Child Labour at Silk Factory.
He also recalled the 1903 floods, when the destitution of Kashmiri Pandits became tragically evident. Most could not afford basic food grains from Rawalpindi. Meanwhile, Punjabi traders dominated markets like Amirakadal, Zainakadal, and Habbakadal, employing Kashmiri Pandits as commission agents—further reinforcing their economic dependence.
Decline of Education and Lost Opportunities
Gopi Nath’s lament extended to the decline of education among Kashmiri Pandits. While affluent Kashmiri Hindus and Muslims used to send their children to Lahore and Allahabad universities, only a handful of Pandits were pursuing studies in Kashmir. In 1904, only ten Kashmiri Pandits passed the Entrance Examination. By 1906, that number had plummeted to just four. Out of a population of over 60,000 Pandits, ( 1901 Census) this stark decline reflected a crisis in education and aspirations.
Student Results of 1904, 1905 and 1906 from Kashmir.
For Gopi Nath, this was a tragedy of untold proportions. In his view, Kashmiri Pandits, rather than embracing professions like masonry, carpentry, vegetable selling or tailoring, opted to remain idle, running dilapidated tuck shops that sold items like snuff powder, tobacco or soap—barely making enough to survive.
Selling Tabaco and sniffing powder!
A Call for Reform
Despite his criticisms, Pandit Gopi Nath was hopeful for change. He called on his community to break the cycle of poverty and leave behind the menial labour of the Silk Factory. Education, he believed, was the key to progress. He also urged the Kashmiri Reform Association to provide scholarships for deserving students and condemned the practice of marrying off young girls to much older widowers.
The speaker implored upon native Kashmiri Pandits, particularly living in Srinagar to find time to pay goodbye to menial silk-worm work in Silk factory. Instead, start reading for which his Association would provide financial assistance to the deserving students. He also laments the exploitation of innocent Kashmiri Pandits whose daughters aged 10 were forced to marry to a widower of 30.
Although the Kashmiri Reform Association was determined to uplift the community, Gopi Nath expressed reservations about the involvement of two prominent British educators like Mr. Moore, the principal of Hindu School, and Mr. Biscoe, the principal of Mission School. He felt their influence, though well-intentioned, could steer the association away from its mission of grassroots reform.
All about Mr Moore and Mr Biscoe
A Legacy of Resilience
Pandit Gopi Nath’s speech remains a timeless reminder of a community’s struggles and its enduring hope for a brighter future. His words not only exposed the harsh realities of his time but also inspired a movement for reform. The Kashmiri Pandit community, despite its hardships, forged a legacy of resilience that continues to inspire future generations.
Dr. Rafeeq Ahmad Masoodi’s journey began in the lush, culturally rich lands of North Kashmir, in a small town called Dangiwacha, nestled in the Rafiabad area of Sopore. Raised in an environment steeped in tradition and intellectual curiosity, Masoodi’s path was shaped by the vibrant culture that surrounded him. His parents, both respected educators, imbued him with a deep love for knowledge and a profound respect for his Kashmiri heritage. This early foundation would become the bedrock of a life dedicated to the arts, broadcasting, and cultural preservation.
Breaking Boundaries in an Orthodox Society
In a society where few Kashmiri Muslims ventured into the study of Hindi, Dr. Masoodi was a pioneer. He not only mastered the language but went on to earn a Ph.D., becoming one of the few Kashmiri Muslims to achieve this distinction. His academic journey, beginning in his hometown and culminating at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in Delhi, was marked by a relentless pursuit of excellence. But his education was more than just academic; it was a lifelong passion intertwined with the artistic expressions of his homeland.
Broadcasting Brilliance
Dr. Masoodi’s career in broadcasting began with All India Radio (AIR) in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in 1985, after being selected by the UPSC. His deep understanding of Kashmiri culture and language quickly became a powerful tool in shaping programmes that resonated deeply with the local population. When he moved to Radio Kashmir in Srinagar, his innovative approach to blending modern broadcasting techniques with traditional cultural elements set him apart. His work wasn’t just about entertaining; it was about preserving and promoting the rich cultural tapestry of Jammu and Kashmir.
From being OSD to CEO Prasar Bharati to heading the Sports Cell at Prasar Bharati to raising commercial figures with his exceptional public relations skills, Dr. Masoodi’s contributions to broadcasting extended across India. His leadership at various radio and TV stations, including Doordarshan and Akashvani, showcased his versatility and commitment to cultural preservation.
Dr Rafeeq Masoodi greets Ankita Raina of India after her victory over Anastasiya Prekno of Turkmenistan ( 2015)
Golden Era at J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages
Dr. Masoodi’s tenure as Secretary of the J&K Academy of Art, Culture, and Languages is remembered as a golden era for the institution. Under his stewardship, the Academy expanded its reach, introducing new initiatives to document and promote the cultural heritage of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. He revived traditional art forms teetering on the brink of extinction and provided platforms for young artists and writers, ensuring that the region’s rich traditions were preserved for future generations.
Masoodi at the release of Special Sheraza Number on Maikash Kashmiri
His efforts to document the lives of unsung heroes, such as the literary figure Maikash Kashmiri, reflect his deep commitment to preserving the intangible heritage of the region. Dr. Masoodi’s leadership was not just about administration; it was about nurturing a cultural renaissance that continues to inspire today.
A Legacy of Compassion and Philanthropy
Beyond his professional achievements, Dr. Masoodi is deeply respected for his philanthropic work. Even after his retirement, he continues to serve as Sarparast (Patron) of Adbi Markaz Kamraz, a cultural organization in Rafiabad, and is a founding member of the Cancer Society of Kashmir. His involvement with the Meeras Mahal Museum of Sopore and other charitable initiatives underscores his lifelong commitment to serving his community.
Dr. Masoodi’s philosophy, rooted in his belief that “Your Body is God’s gift to you, and HE must have assigned you work,” drives his tireless efforts to help those in need, especially in times of crisis. This guiding principle has made him a beloved figure in the lives of countless individuals.
Promoter of Art and Artists
A Luminary of Letters
As a writer, poet, and translator, Dr. Masoodi’s works have been celebrated for their lyrical depth and emotional resonance. His Kashmiri translation of Bhisham Sahni’s “Tamas” and his own book “Panun Dod Panin Dag” (translated into English as “My Pain, My Affliction”) have earned him widespread acclaim. His poetry, a symphony of hope and longing, has placed him among the most revered voices in contemporary literature.
Dr. Rafeeq Ahmad Masoodi’s life and work stand as a testament to the power of cultural preservation and the role of broadcasting in shaping regional identities. His contributions have transcended borders, inspiring a new generation of artists, writers, and thinkers. A true luminary, Dr. Rafeeq Masoodi’s legacy will continue to shine brightly, guiding the way for future custodians of Kashmir’s rich cultural heritage.
Today, probably no other place on the globe confronts so many complex and ambivalent forms of politics as Kashmir does. India claims the region as an integral part of the nation and Pakistan thinks it is part of the unfinished task of partition. For some it is part of the larger Umma while others it is a strategic asset where, according to E.F. Knight, three Empires used to meet. All these perceptions and the way the Kashmiris have been dealt with by variety of forces from within and outside, disallows them to have unanimity in their approach towards this assembly election of 2024. Kashmiris no longer look forward to a miracle of sudden change in which people will be exalted and show capacities for wise self-government of which their previous conduct had given ground for no suspicion.
From 1947 to Today: How Past Events Shape Current Sentiments
The crisis that this region faced from 1947 has made even ordinary Kashmiris knowledgeable and insightful, they are in touch with their time and do quickly reorganize their conditions and are intentionally silent. Perhaps this silence on their part is perceived by contemporary Indian state as acknowledgement of its legitimacy which is partially doubtful. In several regions Indian democracy has been connected with extreme instability of government, with rapidly increasing unemployment, lawlessness, broken promises, inflation institutional and constitutional breakdowns, perpetual military insurrections, with constantly recurring alternations of anarchy and despotism.
Political Apathy and Disenchantment
Many Kashmiris feel politically disenchanted they are not giving a serious thought to public affairs, nor do they have any spontaneous wish to take any part in them. If they are induced to do so and forced to act under complete pressure and direction of individuals or organizations from outside the region their response would be harsh. Earlier there are said to have been several instances where a regiment of officials marched to the poll rigging in 1987 assembly elections for the purpose of securing the majority for the government candidates. But their stars soon faded: and the attacks on people and their property began to dominate from 1989-90, and under the terror of these attacks the great mass of voters began to turn towards Pakistan as saviour of society. The assembly election of 1987 by an enormous majority clearly fore- shadowed the future, and the extremely menacing character which the Kashmir politics assumed led to the conditions which considerably restricted the suffrage. Both the National Conference and Congress alliance introduced and carried the degradation of the Kashmir’s assembly election suffrage were perfectly aware of what they were doing. ‘They acted with their eyes shut and justified their victory in the untrue spirit. They would not allow political equality to continue and believed that they were playing a good card in their respective party’s game.
From 1990 in every political change, Kashmiris are permanently displaced by varied forces. Therefore, they fail to seize upon changed conditions. Everyone who will look facts honestly in the face can convince himself that the public opinion of Kashmiris is quite different from the votes that can be extracted from all of them who compose it. Therefore, the complex attitude of the Kashmiris towards the present political situation is perhaps inevitable so long as the present government at the central continues to use discriminatory and coercive measures. Kashmiris live in the midst of an atmosphere of traditions, customs, habits, institutions and fear which are as much to be reckoned with as their reason or their native capacity. The situation is made worse by the character and capacity of the processes that were adopted by the government at the centre to change the pattern of constituencies through delimitation and other ugly measures that did not constitute any reasonable ground except to target demographic pattern for displaying their unwanted dominance.
There can be little doubt that the subversive passions that had been aroused in 1990 and the grave internal dangers that had arisen bore a great part in impelling the Government into the disastrous decades of turmoil in Kashmir. Keeping in view the fast deterioration of Pakistan as a state today Kashmiris have no fascination for Pakistan’s Political propositions because most good observers in Kashmir seriously feel that a state of things called into existence by Pakistan did more harm to Kashmir than good.
In the present election the abolition of article 370, bifurcation and demotion of Statehood to union territory and the BJP’S communal policies and apathy towards non-BJP ruled states are important elements in many constituencies, which are distinct from all vicissitudes of opinion, and entirely irrespective of the good or bad policy of the Government. It has become a conspicuous and important element in most constituencies and will contribute powerfully to the outcome of 2024 assembly elections in the region. In Kashmir the situation is unlike some pockets of Indian mainland where the voter will be directly bribed or directly intimidated and people vote for money or for drink, or in order to win the favour or avert the displeasure of someone who is more powerful than himself.
The Role of Religion and Identity
In Kashmir’s politics, apart from National conference, Congress, Apni party, AIP, BJP and PDP leaders the other two most powerful forces are the priestly, (Sunnis, Shias, Ahmadyas etc.) and the local leaders connected with the protest movement with their linkages in Pakistan, also direct the voters, by studiously inflamed preechings. In a Kashmiri democracy the art of winning votes this way is also one of the chief parts of practical politics. Religiosity and prejudice are also a great force in political propagandism in Kashmir too. In rural Kashmir the demagogues of various political parties including dissenters try to persuade the voters that by following a certain line of policy every member of his class will obtain some advantage.
The Gujjars, Bakarwals, and Kashmiri Pandits
The Gujjars and Bakarwals are no longer an ignorant community, they have opinions of their own. Among them biases of their creed and religiosity also often display a great vitality.The Kashmiri Pandits are smallest minority and their vote share is not decisive at all. They are sober, industrious, literate but after the forced migration from their homes has pushed them within the narrow circle of their own suffering, ideas, surroundings, and immediate interests. Although they are sparsely spread all over the globe without any basis of their own and do not contribute to Kashmir’s public opinion anymore, yet they exhibit no small shrewdness of judgment.
Jammu’s Divergent Political Culture
In Jammu region the political culture is slightly different. Apart from other political parties there are sections of strong votaries of RSS/BJP in almost all constituencies except Doda and Punch but the larger issue that dominates the public opinion is that BJP’s policies have brought an increasing decline of businesses in the region and impacted Jammuites lives very seriously. Therefore, they are in a dilemma this time. The Jammu business class has an identity and considerable material interest, they probably exercise local influence as businessmen and employers of labour.
Corruption and Democracy
The forms of corruption which are practiced in a pure democracy are in general far more detrimental to the prosperity of Kashmiris than those which existed in other days. Some of the conditions of democracy in Jammu and Kashmir are essentially different from those prevalent in rest of India and the worst effects of the delimitation experiment in government must be profoundly interesting to every serious political inquirer in Kashmir and outside. There is a widespread feeling among the intelligentsia in Jammu and Kashmir that a considerable amount of well-bred political apathy is very desirable in such circumstances. If it were animated by a strong and earnest political spirit it would never acquiesce in the completely subordinate position assigned to it, especially as this position is largely due to abrogation of article 370, bifurcation and scraping of Statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. Many among the disappointed lot feel that today or tomorrow Collisions would follow, and some organic change would come.
The Path Forward: Pragmatism and Inclusion
Cutting across political parties and ideologies, the politicians in Kashmir and New Delhi should remember that many misconceptions are still in possession of the public mind in Kashmir. Although BJP claims that in recent years the situation has greatly improved but there is room for further improvement. Just because of the importance of integrational tendency for the future Kashmiri society, anything which helps to root out these misunderstandings and to supplant them by clear ideas about the future of Kashmir’s polity performs a distinct service to this region. When these conditions are fulfilled, misconceptions will gradually fade away and the future of a political condition will depend upon its pragmatic worth.
The Global and Local Context
Today globalization and communication networks have made the world one in a way that it has never been before, however, we should not forget the fact that the world is also many in a way that it has never been before. Jammu and Kashmir has its own variety of specificities. It is this divergence in unity which the political thought of democracy (also bedrock of Shavite Philosophy of Kashmir) must face while dealing with Kashmir and Kashmiris. We must not discriminate or hate or kotow religion, region caste and tribe. Any idea of future evolution of Center and State relationship also means continuity and time. In Kashmir there is an inertia or ponderousness about some groups which is the despair of the sentimental rationalist. The BJP’s political policy makers in New Delhi should know that in larger frame of multiculturalism Kashmiris are a part of organic life and will grow by assimilation in course of time and not by coercion.
The characteristic function, of the present government should be to administers affairs with steady wisdom, tolerance, and uprightness, however, that most people in Kashmir greatly doubt whether the current government and its own version of democracy fulfils these requirements. Because one of its most conspicuous features has been its extreme under representation of certain communities that has the potential to result in astonishing instability of Indian state. Indian Democracy in Kashmir should be in possession of the charm of manner which softens, conciliates, and attracts, Kashmiris and disintegrate the politics of secessionism, and brings every separate group into a clearer and stronger relief. So that the vibrant political life of Kashmir which has been suppressed or unexpressed or strangulated for long does not burst out with a volcanic fury again.
*Professor Rattan Lal Hangloo has been Professor of History at Hyderabad Central University. He is former Vice-Chancellor of Kalyani University West Bengal and University of Allahabad. He is currently Honorary Vice-Chancellor Noble international university Taranto Canada. (He originally belongs to Village Hangalgund Kokernag Kashmir but is at present in Texas USA.)
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are the personal opinions of the author.
Circa 1991: In the tranquil yet troubled village of Batgund, Handwara,Kashmir nestled in the scenic district of Kupwara, the Koul family clung to their faith as steadfastly as they did to their ancestral home. Surinder Kumar Koul, a Kashmiri Pandit who chose to stay in his homeland even as his community migrated in 1990, embodied this unwavering resolve. As Krishna Janmashtami approached in 1991, the festival that had united generations of Kashmiri Pandits, hope and nostalgia stirred within the family.
A Tradition of Unity and Devotion
Before 1990, Krishna Janmashtami was more than just a festival; it was a vibrant celebration that brought the Pandit community together in Kashmir. Even in the wake of the Anantnag riots in 1986, when tensions threatened to tear communities apart, Kashmiri Muslims stood by the Pandits, ensuring the festival’s smooth observance. In 1987, Governor Jagmohan, had even visited Srinagar’s Sheetal Nath Temple during the festivities that year, lending his presence to a gathering steeped in both devotion and unease. But that was not the case up to 1996.
Governor Jagmohan was requested to visit Sheetal Nath Temple on August 27, 1987.
The Darkening Horizon of 1991
In 1990, there were no Janmashtami celebrations in Kashmir. By 1991, the serene valley had been fractured by escalating violence. Surinder Kumar Koul, one of the few who chose to remain behind when others fled, was facing a harsh reality. The Koul family’s home, a witness to generations of peace, now stood under the constant threat of violence. The previous year of 1990 , they had been forced to forgo their Janmashtami celebrations due to the deteriorating situation. Yet, they held on to the hope that this year would be different.
A Last Act of Devotion
For September 1, 1991, as the Koul family was preparing to celebrate Krishna Janmashtami a day before the rest of the Hindu community, adhering to their tradition of marking the Seventh lunar day, Surinder had wished to make careful arrangements at the local temple in Batgund, Handwara, determined to revive the rituals that had been abandoned in the face of fear the previous year.
But as Surinder moved through Langate town of Handwara, his plans were violently derailed. The militants, who had been tracking his every move, found and killed him on the spot. The life of a devoted man, committed to his faith and his homeland, was brutally extinguished.
Meanwhile, his extended family, who had taken refuge in a tented camp at Nagrota in Jammu, awaited his arrival. They had hoped that he would bring with him the spirit of their ancestral land. Instead, they were met with the devastating news of his death, a blow that deepened the already grievous wounds of a community torn from its roots. All they could do was to observe his 10th Day Kriya at Nagrota Camp on September 4, 1991.
Surinder’s death occurred during the tenure of Governor Girish Chander Saxena, not Jagmohan, the figure often controversially blamed for the Pandit exodus by those sympathetic to Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir. The tragedy of Surinder Koul’s fate stands as a stark reminder of the human cost of conflict, a poignant symbol of unyielding faith amid overwhelming adversity.
