As Jammu and Kashmir prepares for its first Assembly elections since the abrogation of Article 370, the political landscape reflects a blend of renewed aspirations and deep-seated apprehension. For Kashmiri Pandits (KPs), this election is not just a test of democracy, but a referendum on their political future, mirroring the fraught environment of the 1996 elections held amidst militancy.
1996: A Moment of Political Defiance
The 1996 elections, held after years of insurgency, saw an unprecedented political vacuum in the Valley, where the specter of violence hung heavy. Political assassinations and militancy created a climate of fear, forcing parties to scramble for candidates. Despite this, several Kashmiri Pandits entered the electoral race, reflecting a community’s resolve to reassert itself in the Valley. Political outfits like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress fielded Pandit candidates in sensitive constituencies like Habba Kadal, Amirakadal, and Hazratbal. In Habba Kadal, KP votes were anticipated to be pivotal, but it was National Conference’s P. L. Handoo who ultimately emerged victorious, relying on support from local Muslims.
Much like today, KP organizations called for an election boycott in 1996, citing marginalization, an echo that has returned in 2024. However, there were Organizations like Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Amphalla, Jammu who encouraged KPs to actively take part in the polls.
2024: A Deja Vu of Dilemma
In 2024, Kashmiri Pandits once again find themselves at a crossroads. Fourteen KP candidates, including two from the BJP, have filed nominations, but many within the community remain disillusioned. Some KP organizations have renewed their boycott calls, accusing the political system of paying lip service to their plight while doing little to acknowledge the genocide-like conditions they endured during the exodus of the 1990s.
While a few candidates aim to bridge divides and secure a dignified return of KPs to their ancestral homeland, the boycott movement appears to be a strong, highlighting an entrenched belief that participation in elections could be interpreted as complicity in their ongoing marginalization.
The Genocide Recognition Demand: A Political Flashpoint
Central to the community’s discontent is the demand for official recognition of their exodus as genocide. Many KP organizations argue that meaningful political engagement cannot occur until this historical injustice is acknowledged. The Kashmiri Pandit Citizens’ Meet, held ahead of the 2024 polls, reiterated these concerns, calling the election process a “facade of normalcy” designed to ignore their grievances. For these leaders, the absence of genocide recognition is a non-negotiable point, and their boycott is a form of protest against a system they feel continues to marginalize them.
Habba Kadal: The Epicentre of KP Politics
Habba Kadal, a constituency with deep historical significance for Kashmiri Pandits, has once again become a key battleground. In 2024, six of the fourteen KP candidates are contesting from this seat, including BJP’s Ashok Kumar Bhat and Lok Jan Shakti Party’s Sanjay Saraf who advocates for the return of KPs with dignity, emphasizing their role as “ambassadors of peace.”
However, the divide within the community remains stark. While some are eager to return to the political arena, others are firm in their rejection, questioning the sincerity of parties that have yet to address their long-standing grievances.
Political Resurgence or Continued Marginalization?
As the elections approach, the question of KP political relevance is once again in the spotlight. In 1996, some felt the community was losing its political clout—a sentiment that has only intensified over the years. Local Muslims, now driving many of the political agendas, have largely filled the vacuum once occupied by KPs.
For Kashmiri Pandits, the 2024 elections represent both an opportunity and a risk. On one hand, it offers a chance to regain their political voice in a region that has increasingly side-lined them. On the other, participation in a process that ignores their core demands could deepen their sense of alienation.
As the election campaign unfolds, the Kashmiri Pandit community remains in a state of flux—caught between a desire to re-engage politically and the fear of further marginalization. The participation of KP candidates may offer a glimmer of hope for a community longing to reclaim its place in Kashmir’s political fabric, but whether this marks the beginning of a political resurgence or the continuation of their exclusion remains an open question.
In the late 19th century, a myth took root that Kashmiri Pandits, a so called educated and affluent community, monopolized top bureaucratic positions under Maharaja Pratap Singh. Contrary to this belief, the majority of Kashmiri Pandits, between 1890 and 1910, were struggling with poverty and educational backwardness. Most were relegated to low-paying jobs, far removed from the narrative of success.
Pandit Gopi Nath Saheb, a leading figure in the Kashmiri Reform Association, shattered these misconceptions in a landmark speech in 1904. Addressing students at Hindu College, Srinagar, his bold words revealed a grim truth about the community’s condition, which had been overlooked. The speech, later published in influential periodicals edited by statesman Tej Bahadur Sapru, cast a glaring light on the struggles of Kashmiri Pandits.
A speech of Pt Gopi Nath Saheb, 1904
Spiritual and Economic Struggles
Pandit Gopi Nath’s fiery critique exposed a community gripped by spiritual and economic decline. He accused his fellow Pandits of succumbing to the burden of menial jobs, neglecting educational and entrepreneurial opportunities. The Kashmiri Reform Association, founded in 1903 under Pandit Jia Lal Shivpuri, aimed to combat these issues, advocating societal reforms to uplift the impoverished community.
At the time, many Kashmiri Pandits sought economic favours from Punjabi businessmen, abandoning their cultural identity by trading their traditional turbans for Punjabi attire. This cultural shift symbolized a community willing to sacrifice its heritage for survival.
Kashmiri Pandits performing a menial job at a Silk Factory, Srinagar
Child Labour and the Silk Factory Scandal
One of the most heart-wrenching aspects of Pandit Gopi Nath’s speech was his criticism of child labour in the Srinagar Silk Factory. Srinagar-based Kashmiri Pandit fathers, driven by poverty, were regularly sending children as young as ten to work in grueling conditions. These children toiled in boiling silkworm cocoons or spinning wheels for meager wages, deprived of education and a brighter future.
Kashmiri Pandits performing Child Labour at Silk Factory.
He also recalled the 1903 floods, when the destitution of Kashmiri Pandits became tragically evident. Most could not afford basic food grains from Rawalpindi. Meanwhile, Punjabi traders dominated markets like Amirakadal, Zainakadal, and Habbakadal, employing Kashmiri Pandits as commission agents—further reinforcing their economic dependence.
Decline of Education and Lost Opportunities
Gopi Nath’s lament extended to the decline of education among Kashmiri Pandits. While affluent Kashmiri Hindus and Muslims used to send their children to Lahore and Allahabad universities, only a handful of Pandits were pursuing studies in Kashmir. In 1904, only ten Kashmiri Pandits passed the Entrance Examination. By 1906, that number had plummeted to just four. Out of a population of over 60,000 Pandits, ( 1901 Census) this stark decline reflected a crisis in education and aspirations.
Student Results of 1904, 1905 and 1906 from Kashmir.
For Gopi Nath, this was a tragedy of untold proportions. In his view, Kashmiri Pandits, rather than embracing professions like masonry, carpentry, vegetable selling or tailoring, opted to remain idle, running dilapidated tuck shops that sold items like snuff powder, tobacco or soap—barely making enough to survive.
Selling Tabaco and sniffing powder!
A Call for Reform
Despite his criticisms, Pandit Gopi Nath was hopeful for change. He called on his community to break the cycle of poverty and leave behind the menial labour of the Silk Factory. Education, he believed, was the key to progress. He also urged the Kashmiri Reform Association to provide scholarships for deserving students and condemned the practice of marrying off young girls to much older widowers.
The speaker implored upon native Kashmiri Pandits, particularly living in Srinagar to find time to pay goodbye to menial silk-worm work in Silk factory. Instead, start reading for which his Association would provide financial assistance to the deserving students. He also laments the exploitation of innocent Kashmiri Pandits whose daughters aged 10 were forced to marry to a widower of 30.
Although the Kashmiri Reform Association was determined to uplift the community, Gopi Nath expressed reservations about the involvement of two prominent British educators like Mr. Moore, the principal of Hindu School, and Mr. Biscoe, the principal of Mission School. He felt their influence, though well-intentioned, could steer the association away from its mission of grassroots reform.
All about Mr Moore and Mr Biscoe
A Legacy of Resilience
Pandit Gopi Nath’s speech remains a timeless reminder of a community’s struggles and its enduring hope for a brighter future. His words not only exposed the harsh realities of his time but also inspired a movement for reform. The Kashmiri Pandit community, despite its hardships, forged a legacy of resilience that continues to inspire future generations.
Dr. Rafeeq Ahmad Masoodi’s journey began in the lush, culturally rich lands of North Kashmir, in a small town called Dangiwacha, nestled in the Rafiabad area of Sopore. Raised in an environment steeped in tradition and intellectual curiosity, Masoodi’s path was shaped by the vibrant culture that surrounded him. His parents, both respected educators, imbued him with a deep love for knowledge and a profound respect for his Kashmiri heritage. This early foundation would become the bedrock of a life dedicated to the arts, broadcasting, and cultural preservation.
Breaking Boundaries in an Orthodox Society
In a society where few Kashmiri Muslims ventured into the study of Hindi, Dr. Masoodi was a pioneer. He not only mastered the language but went on to earn a Ph.D., becoming one of the few Kashmiri Muslims to achieve this distinction. His academic journey, beginning in his hometown and culminating at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in Delhi, was marked by a relentless pursuit of excellence. But his education was more than just academic; it was a lifelong passion intertwined with the artistic expressions of his homeland.
Broadcasting Brilliance
Dr. Masoodi’s career in broadcasting began with All India Radio (AIR) in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in 1985, after being selected by the UPSC. His deep understanding of Kashmiri culture and language quickly became a powerful tool in shaping programmes that resonated deeply with the local population. When he moved to Radio Kashmir in Srinagar, his innovative approach to blending modern broadcasting techniques with traditional cultural elements set him apart. His work wasn’t just about entertaining; it was about preserving and promoting the rich cultural tapestry of Jammu and Kashmir.
From being OSD to CEO Prasar Bharati to heading the Sports Cell at Prasar Bharati to raising commercial figures with his exceptional public relations skills, Dr. Masoodi’s contributions to broadcasting extended across India. His leadership at various radio and TV stations, including Doordarshan and Akashvani, showcased his versatility and commitment to cultural preservation.
Dr Rafeeq Masoodi greets Ankita Raina of India after her victory over Anastasiya Prekno of Turkmenistan ( 2015)
Golden Era at J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages
Dr. Masoodi’s tenure as Secretary of the J&K Academy of Art, Culture, and Languages is remembered as a golden era for the institution. Under his stewardship, the Academy expanded its reach, introducing new initiatives to document and promote the cultural heritage of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. He revived traditional art forms teetering on the brink of extinction and provided platforms for young artists and writers, ensuring that the region’s rich traditions were preserved for future generations.
Masoodi at the release of Special Sheraza Number on Maikash Kashmiri
His efforts to document the lives of unsung heroes, such as the literary figure Maikash Kashmiri, reflect his deep commitment to preserving the intangible heritage of the region. Dr. Masoodi’s leadership was not just about administration; it was about nurturing a cultural renaissance that continues to inspire today.
A Legacy of Compassion and Philanthropy
Beyond his professional achievements, Dr. Masoodi is deeply respected for his philanthropic work. Even after his retirement, he continues to serve as Sarparast (Patron) of Adbi Markaz Kamraz, a cultural organization in Rafiabad, and is a founding member of the Cancer Society of Kashmir. His involvement with the Meeras Mahal Museum of Sopore and other charitable initiatives underscores his lifelong commitment to serving his community.
Dr. Masoodi’s philosophy, rooted in his belief that “Your Body is God’s gift to you, and HE must have assigned you work,” drives his tireless efforts to help those in need, especially in times of crisis. This guiding principle has made him a beloved figure in the lives of countless individuals.
Promoter of Art and Artists
A Luminary of Letters
As a writer, poet, and translator, Dr. Masoodi’s works have been celebrated for their lyrical depth and emotional resonance. His Kashmiri translation of Bhisham Sahni’s “Tamas” and his own book “Panun Dod Panin Dag” (translated into English as “My Pain, My Affliction”) have earned him widespread acclaim. His poetry, a symphony of hope and longing, has placed him among the most revered voices in contemporary literature.
Dr. Rafeeq Ahmad Masoodi’s life and work stand as a testament to the power of cultural preservation and the role of broadcasting in shaping regional identities. His contributions have transcended borders, inspiring a new generation of artists, writers, and thinkers. A true luminary, Dr. Rafeeq Masoodi’s legacy will continue to shine brightly, guiding the way for future custodians of Kashmir’s rich cultural heritage.
Today, probably no other place on the globe confronts so many complex and ambivalent forms of politics as Kashmir does. India claims the region as an integral part of the nation and Pakistan thinks it is part of the unfinished task of partition. For some it is part of the larger Umma while others it is a strategic asset where, according to E.F. Knight, three Empires used to meet. All these perceptions and the way the Kashmiris have been dealt with by variety of forces from within and outside, disallows them to have unanimity in their approach towards this assembly election of 2024. Kashmiris no longer look forward to a miracle of sudden change in which people will be exalted and show capacities for wise self-government of which their previous conduct had given ground for no suspicion.
From 1947 to Today: How Past Events Shape Current Sentiments
The crisis that this region faced from 1947 has made even ordinary Kashmiris knowledgeable and insightful, they are in touch with their time and do quickly reorganize their conditions and are intentionally silent. Perhaps this silence on their part is perceived by contemporary Indian state as acknowledgement of its legitimacy which is partially doubtful. In several regions Indian democracy has been connected with extreme instability of government, with rapidly increasing unemployment, lawlessness, broken promises, inflation institutional and constitutional breakdowns, perpetual military insurrections, with constantly recurring alternations of anarchy and despotism.
Political Apathy and Disenchantment
Many Kashmiris feel politically disenchanted they are not giving a serious thought to public affairs, nor do they have any spontaneous wish to take any part in them. If they are induced to do so and forced to act under complete pressure and direction of individuals or organizations from outside the region their response would be harsh. Earlier there are said to have been several instances where a regiment of officials marched to the poll rigging in 1987 assembly elections for the purpose of securing the majority for the government candidates. But their stars soon faded: and the attacks on people and their property began to dominate from 1989-90, and under the terror of these attacks the great mass of voters began to turn towards Pakistan as saviour of society. The assembly election of 1987 by an enormous majority clearly fore- shadowed the future, and the extremely menacing character which the Kashmir politics assumed led to the conditions which considerably restricted the suffrage. Both the National Conference and Congress alliance introduced and carried the degradation of the Kashmir’s assembly election suffrage were perfectly aware of what they were doing. ‘They acted with their eyes shut and justified their victory in the untrue spirit. They would not allow political equality to continue and believed that they were playing a good card in their respective party’s game.
From 1990 in every political change, Kashmiris are permanently displaced by varied forces. Therefore, they fail to seize upon changed conditions. Everyone who will look facts honestly in the face can convince himself that the public opinion of Kashmiris is quite different from the votes that can be extracted from all of them who compose it. Therefore, the complex attitude of the Kashmiris towards the present political situation is perhaps inevitable so long as the present government at the central continues to use discriminatory and coercive measures. Kashmiris live in the midst of an atmosphere of traditions, customs, habits, institutions and fear which are as much to be reckoned with as their reason or their native capacity. The situation is made worse by the character and capacity of the processes that were adopted by the government at the centre to change the pattern of constituencies through delimitation and other ugly measures that did not constitute any reasonable ground except to target demographic pattern for displaying their unwanted dominance.
There can be little doubt that the subversive passions that had been aroused in 1990 and the grave internal dangers that had arisen bore a great part in impelling the Government into the disastrous decades of turmoil in Kashmir. Keeping in view the fast deterioration of Pakistan as a state today Kashmiris have no fascination for Pakistan’s Political propositions because most good observers in Kashmir seriously feel that a state of things called into existence by Pakistan did more harm to Kashmir than good.
In the present election the abolition of article 370, bifurcation and demotion of Statehood to union territory and the BJP’S communal policies and apathy towards non-BJP ruled states are important elements in many constituencies, which are distinct from all vicissitudes of opinion, and entirely irrespective of the good or bad policy of the Government. It has become a conspicuous and important element in most constituencies and will contribute powerfully to the outcome of 2024 assembly elections in the region. In Kashmir the situation is unlike some pockets of Indian mainland where the voter will be directly bribed or directly intimidated and people vote for money or for drink, or in order to win the favour or avert the displeasure of someone who is more powerful than himself.
The Role of Religion and Identity
In Kashmir’s politics, apart from National conference, Congress, Apni party, AIP, BJP and PDP leaders the other two most powerful forces are the priestly, (Sunnis, Shias, Ahmadyas etc.) and the local leaders connected with the protest movement with their linkages in Pakistan, also direct the voters, by studiously inflamed preechings. In a Kashmiri democracy the art of winning votes this way is also one of the chief parts of practical politics. Religiosity and prejudice are also a great force in political propagandism in Kashmir too. In rural Kashmir the demagogues of various political parties including dissenters try to persuade the voters that by following a certain line of policy every member of his class will obtain some advantage.
The Gujjars, Bakarwals, and Kashmiri Pandits
The Gujjars and Bakarwals are no longer an ignorant community, they have opinions of their own. Among them biases of their creed and religiosity also often display a great vitality.The Kashmiri Pandits are smallest minority and their vote share is not decisive at all. They are sober, industrious, literate but after the forced migration from their homes has pushed them within the narrow circle of their own suffering, ideas, surroundings, and immediate interests. Although they are sparsely spread all over the globe without any basis of their own and do not contribute to Kashmir’s public opinion anymore, yet they exhibit no small shrewdness of judgment.
Jammu’s Divergent Political Culture
In Jammu region the political culture is slightly different. Apart from other political parties there are sections of strong votaries of RSS/BJP in almost all constituencies except Doda and Punch but the larger issue that dominates the public opinion is that BJP’s policies have brought an increasing decline of businesses in the region and impacted Jammuites lives very seriously. Therefore, they are in a dilemma this time. The Jammu business class has an identity and considerable material interest, they probably exercise local influence as businessmen and employers of labour.
Corruption and Democracy
The forms of corruption which are practiced in a pure democracy are in general far more detrimental to the prosperity of Kashmiris than those which existed in other days. Some of the conditions of democracy in Jammu and Kashmir are essentially different from those prevalent in rest of India and the worst effects of the delimitation experiment in government must be profoundly interesting to every serious political inquirer in Kashmir and outside. There is a widespread feeling among the intelligentsia in Jammu and Kashmir that a considerable amount of well-bred political apathy is very desirable in such circumstances. If it were animated by a strong and earnest political spirit it would never acquiesce in the completely subordinate position assigned to it, especially as this position is largely due to abrogation of article 370, bifurcation and scraping of Statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. Many among the disappointed lot feel that today or tomorrow Collisions would follow, and some organic change would come.
The Path Forward: Pragmatism and Inclusion
Cutting across political parties and ideologies, the politicians in Kashmir and New Delhi should remember that many misconceptions are still in possession of the public mind in Kashmir. Although BJP claims that in recent years the situation has greatly improved but there is room for further improvement. Just because of the importance of integrational tendency for the future Kashmiri society, anything which helps to root out these misunderstandings and to supplant them by clear ideas about the future of Kashmir’s polity performs a distinct service to this region. When these conditions are fulfilled, misconceptions will gradually fade away and the future of a political condition will depend upon its pragmatic worth.
The Global and Local Context
Today globalization and communication networks have made the world one in a way that it has never been before, however, we should not forget the fact that the world is also many in a way that it has never been before. Jammu and Kashmir has its own variety of specificities. It is this divergence in unity which the political thought of democracy (also bedrock of Shavite Philosophy of Kashmir) must face while dealing with Kashmir and Kashmiris. We must not discriminate or hate or kotow religion, region caste and tribe. Any idea of future evolution of Center and State relationship also means continuity and time. In Kashmir there is an inertia or ponderousness about some groups which is the despair of the sentimental rationalist. The BJP’s political policy makers in New Delhi should know that in larger frame of multiculturalism Kashmiris are a part of organic life and will grow by assimilation in course of time and not by coercion.
The characteristic function, of the present government should be to administers affairs with steady wisdom, tolerance, and uprightness, however, that most people in Kashmir greatly doubt whether the current government and its own version of democracy fulfils these requirements. Because one of its most conspicuous features has been its extreme under representation of certain communities that has the potential to result in astonishing instability of Indian state. Indian Democracy in Kashmir should be in possession of the charm of manner which softens, conciliates, and attracts, Kashmiris and disintegrate the politics of secessionism, and brings every separate group into a clearer and stronger relief. So that the vibrant political life of Kashmir which has been suppressed or unexpressed or strangulated for long does not burst out with a volcanic fury again.
*Professor Rattan Lal Hangloo has been Professor of History at Hyderabad Central University. He is former Vice-Chancellor of Kalyani University West Bengal and University of Allahabad. He is currently Honorary Vice-Chancellor Noble international university Taranto Canada. (He originally belongs to Village Hangalgund Kokernag Kashmir but is at present in Texas USA.)
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are the personal opinions of the author.
Circa 1991: In the tranquil yet troubled village of Batgund, Handwara,Kashmir nestled in the scenic district of Kupwara, the Koul family clung to their faith as steadfastly as they did to their ancestral home. Surinder Kumar Koul, a Kashmiri Pandit who chose to stay in his homeland even as his community migrated in 1990, embodied this unwavering resolve. As Krishna Janmashtami approached in 1991, the festival that had united generations of Kashmiri Pandits, hope and nostalgia stirred within the family.
A Tradition of Unity and Devotion
Before 1990, Krishna Janmashtami was more than just a festival; it was a vibrant celebration that brought the Pandit community together in Kashmir. Even in the wake of the Anantnag riots in 1986, when tensions threatened to tear communities apart, Kashmiri Muslims stood by the Pandits, ensuring the festival’s smooth observance. In 1987, Governor Jagmohan, had even visited Srinagar’s Sheetal Nath Temple during the festivities that year, lending his presence to a gathering steeped in both devotion and unease. But that was not the case up to 1996.
Governor Jagmohan was requested to visit Sheetal Nath Temple on August 27, 1987.
The Darkening Horizon of 1991
In 1990, there were no Janmashtami celebrations in Kashmir. By 1991, the serene valley had been fractured by escalating violence. Surinder Kumar Koul, one of the few who chose to remain behind when others fled, was facing a harsh reality. The Koul family’s home, a witness to generations of peace, now stood under the constant threat of violence. The previous year of 1990 , they had been forced to forgo their Janmashtami celebrations due to the deteriorating situation. Yet, they held on to the hope that this year would be different.
A Last Act of Devotion
For September 1, 1991, as the Koul family was preparing to celebrate Krishna Janmashtami a day before the rest of the Hindu community, adhering to their tradition of marking the Seventh lunar day, Surinder had wished to make careful arrangements at the local temple in Batgund, Handwara, determined to revive the rituals that had been abandoned in the face of fear the previous year.
But as Surinder moved through Langate town of Handwara, his plans were violently derailed. The militants, who had been tracking his every move, found and killed him on the spot. The life of a devoted man, committed to his faith and his homeland, was brutally extinguished.
Meanwhile, his extended family, who had taken refuge in a tented camp at Nagrota in Jammu, awaited his arrival. They had hoped that he would bring with him the spirit of their ancestral land. Instead, they were met with the devastating news of his death, a blow that deepened the already grievous wounds of a community torn from its roots. All they could do was to observe his 10th Day Kriya at Nagrota Camp on September 4, 1991.
Surinder’s death occurred during the tenure of Governor Girish Chander Saxena, not Jagmohan, the figure often controversially blamed for the Pandit exodus by those sympathetic to Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir. The tragedy of Surinder Koul’s fate stands as a stark reminder of the human cost of conflict, a poignant symbol of unyielding faith amid overwhelming adversity.
In the rich tapestry of Kashmir’s medical history, few names shine as brightly as that of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan (1914-1988). Known affectionately as “The Lukmaan of Kashmir,” Dr. Jan’s reputation for diagnosing and treating a wide range of ailments without the use of modern biomedical equipment made him a household name. His legacy continues to resonate in the Valley, a testament to his extraordinary skill and compassion.
But as we celebrate the achievements of Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan, another name, now almost forgotten, calls out from the shadows of the past. This is the story of Dr. Abdul Waahid, the unsung healer of early 20th Century Kashmir whose contributions predate even the birth of Dr. Jan and yet have largely faded from memory.
Long before Dr. Ali Jan became synonymous with medical care in Kashmir, there was Dr. Abdul Waahid. Practicing between 1905 and 1920, Dr. Waahid was the go-to physician for both locals and the many tourists and visitors who flocked to the Valley. A distinguished medical practitioner from London, he brought the latest medical knowledge to a region where advanced healthcare was still a rarity.
His clinic, situated at Amira Kadal in Srinagar, near Dharamshalla was not just a place of healing but a beacon of hope for those in need of advanced medical care. Patients traveled from far and wide, including cities like Lahore and Amritsar, to seek his expertise. Even as Christian missionaries established a strong presence in Kashmir’s healthcare, Dr. Waahid’s practice flourished, a testament to his skill and dedication.
Newspapers and magazines from that era, uncovered by Kashmir Rechords, are filled with advertisements lauding Dr. Waahid’s abilities. Yet, despite his significant contributions, his name has largely faded from public memory, overshadowed by the medical luminaries who followed.
Before the advent of modern medicine, Kashmir’s healthcare was dominated by traditional practices, overseen by Hakims and Barbers. These practitioners relied on their knowledge of herbs and rudimentary surgical techniques to treat the sick. The arrival of Christian missionaries in the mid-19th century, however, marked the beginning of a transformative era in Kashmir’s healthcare—a story that is for some other day.
For those interested in exploring more of Kashmir’s rich medical history and cultural heritage, stay connected with Kashmir Rechords at www.kashmir-rechords.com. Here, you’ll find genuine, authentic anecdotes supported by historical and documentary evidence, each one a chord in the symphony of Kashmir’s past. You can also follow us on @Kashmir_Rec on Twitter and also on Face Book.
In the annals of Kashmir’s rich history, few figures stand out as vividly as Miru Pandit, a man who bridged the ancient wisdom of his homeland with the demands of a changing world. During the Mughal era, as Kashmir’s cultural and intellectual heritage was woven into the fabric of the empire, men like Miru Pandit with his military prowess played a crucial role in preserving and adapting this legacy. His resilience and intellect made him a beacon of his culture, embodying the strength and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community.
Kashmiri Pandits and Mughal Empire
The Kashmiri Pandits were recognized by the Mughals as the “most respectable class,” often attracting the attention of rulers like Akbar, who valued their knowledge and integrity. This high regard is documented in several historical texts on Kashmir, including Pt Jia Lal Kilam’s “History of Kashmiri Pandits.” Although Pandits rarely reached the highest ranks of power, they were often appointed as Peshkars (administrative officials) to the Mughal Subedars. Unlike Muslims, who dominated the army’s upper echelons, Pandits were entrusted with defending volatile border regions—a significant responsibility that highlighted their capability and loyalty. This trust extended to the appointment of Rajput generals to govern Kabul and the military roles assigned to Kashmiri Pandits on the frontiers.
Early Life of Miru Pandit: From Kashmir to Deccan
Miru Pandit’s story begins during the reign of Sikandar (1394-1417 A.D.), when his ancestors migrated from Kashmir to the Bahmani kingdom in South India during Feroz Shah’s rule. Serving as an officer in command of forts in Kamraj province, with his family settled in Ellichpur (Deccan), Miru Pandit eventually left the service of the Golkanda chief and moved to Delhi. There, with the assistance of Hakim Abdul Fateh of Shiraz, he was appointed to a command position in Noor Jehan’s bodyguard.
Miru Pandit’s Bravery in Mughal History
Miru Pandit’s military prowess was brought to the forefront during a pivotal moment in Mughal history. According to “Tarikhi Aqwami Kashmir,” when Mahabat Khan, who had fallen out of favor, captured Emperor Jehangir at Jhelum, Noor Jehan rallied forces to free her husband. In the ensuing conflict, Miru Pandit distinguished himself through his skill and bravery, catching the Emperor’s attention. As a mark of royal favor, Jehangir invited Miru Pandit to return to Kashmir, where he was granted extensive jagirs and made the Governor of Kamraj. His duties included building and supervising forts at strategic locations like Sopore and Baramulla. To man these fortifications, Miru Pandit recruited forces from Muzaffarabad, Uttara Machi (Handwara), and Lolab, earning further rewards from the Mughal overlords for his efficient administration.
Legacy Continues: Bulaqi Pandit and the Defence of Kashmir
The legacy of Miru Pandit continued through his descendants. As noted by author Krishna Dar in the “History of Dar Family,” Bulaqi Pandit, Miru Pandit’s descendant, took charge of defending Kashmir’s borders. By this time, Mughal rule had weakened, and raids by Yagistani tribes had become more frequent and severe. Bulaqi Pandit responded by taking the fight to the enemy’s territory, dealing a crushing blow and securing a truce. The Yagistani leaders swore by the Holy Quran to cease their raids on Kashmir in exchange for the release of prisoners, bringing peace to the region.
Bulaqi Pandit was succeeded by his son, Makund Pandit, who, unfortunately, could not maintain a good relationship with the Subedar of Kashmir. This led to his departure from the Valley. Leaving his family in Kishtwar, he traveled to Delhi, where he presented his grievances to Emperor Mohammad Shah. The Emperor received him warmly, granted him a Khillat (robe of honor), and assigned him to the revenue administration. Although the command of the forts was transferred to another, the Pandits’ connection with the army persisted, with some joining the Sikh and Maratha armies, continuing their tradition of military service.
Mahadeo Pandit in Civil Administration
During the Mughal era, Kashmiri Pandits also held significant positions in civil administration. One notable figure was Pandit Mahadeo, who served as the Peshkar (Chief Minister) to Mughal Subedar Ali Mardan Khan (1650-1657 A.D.). Documents from this period reveal that during Mahadeo’s tenure, the imperial highway from Srinagar to Gujarat was constructed, complete with Caravan Sarais at every stage, making the road wide and easy to traverse.
Enduring Spirit of Kashmir’s Ancient Culture
Miru Pandit and his descendants symbolize the resilience and adaptability of the Kashmiri Pandit community. Despite the challenges and shifting political landscapes, they maintained their integrity and continued to serve with distinction in both military and civil capacities. Their story is a testament to the enduring spirit of Kashmir’s ancient culture, carried forward by those who bore its torch through the storms of time.
Nestled in the mountainous Zaingir Belt of North Kashmir lies the village of Shiva, a place rich in history and spiritual significance. Named after Lord Shiva, this village was once a pilgrimage destination for Kashmiri Hindus, especially during the festival of Shravan Purnimashi. Devotees from far and wide would visit the sacred spring here, much like they do at the Holy Cave Shrine of Amarnath Ji, to offer their prayers to Lord Shiva.
The Vanishing Memory of a Sacred Site
Today, the story of Shiva’s Spring is one of fading memories and lost reverence. Many wonder why this once-sacred site has not been preserved or celebrated over the years. To learn its true history, one must turn to the Kashmiri Pandits of Sopore and the surrounding Zaingir Belt, historically known as Uttar Machipora. They recall a village known for its dense forests and traces of iron ore, still standing amidst the hills, with its name echoing its spiritual past.
Changing Landmarks and Lost Symbols
Atop a hillock, the sacred spring of Lord Shiva still exists, once providing potable water to the villages below. At the foothills lies the “Ziyarat” of Khwaja Hassan Qari, a revered Muslim saint. This area, once a symbol of coexistence and shared spiritual heritage, has witnessed significant changes over time. Hindu residents of Sopore recall that the spring once housed a Shiv Linga, a powerful symbol of Lord Shiva. However, in the 1970s, during the rise of Jamat-e-Islami leader and former MLA Syed Ali Shah Geelani in this area, the Shiv linga mysteriously disappeared. The event was met with only symbolic protest, marking a turning point in the site’s history. Despite these changes, local Pandits continued to visit the spring at Shiva village, also known as Hard-Shiva in official records, until their migration in the 1990s.
Historical Accounts and the Mystery of the Lost Cave
Kashmiri Muslim historian Muhammad Din Fauq, whose ancestors lived in Hardu-Shiva before migrating to Lahore, often visited the Zaingir area. In his writings between 1905 and 1917, Fauq makes several references to the sacred Shiva spring and its significance. He also calls it “Anantnag’’, as Pandits used to call it. He also mentions a mysterious cave near Shiva village, where, in 1905, some people made unsuccessful attempts to explore its depths. Fauq notes that the government of the time provided support to devotees visiting various Hindu shrines in the Zaingir Belt, including Shiva’s Spring—a practice that has since faded from memory, particularly after the mass migration of Kashmiri Pandits in the 1990s.
In 1917, Fauq makes a mention of Shiva’s Spring (Anantnag) and the annual pilgrimage being conducted there.
A mention of spring, iron ores, cave and Ziyarat of Kh. Hassan Qari.
Shiva’s Forests and the Transformation of a Region
Hard-Shiva, located just 10 kilometers from Sopore town, was once a major village in the Zaingir Belt (Uttar Machipora tehsil). The area’s earlier name, Hari Gir (meaning “Lord’s Forest”), reflects its deep connection to Lord Shiva, much like Gagan Gir on the way to Sonamarg, Kashmir. However, after the reign of King Zain-ul-Abidin, who is credited with constructing a canal named after himself, the area underwent a transformation. The canal, known as “Nehar-e-Zain Gir,” still flows through the village, a reminder of the region’s layered history.
A Heritage Worth Remembering
Today, Shiva’s Spring and the beautiful village that bears its name stand as silent witnesses to a bygone era. The memories of this sacred site, accessible only by a winding road, are slowly fading, especially after the 1990 migration of Kashmiri Pandits. Yet, the story of Shiva’s Spring is a poignant reminder of Kashmir’s rich and diverse heritage—a heritage that deserves to be remembered and preserved for generations to come.
In the chaotic and tumultuous days of 1947, as the subcontinent was torn apart by the partition, the fate of countless lives and businesses hung in the balance. Among the many concerns of the common man, one simple question echoed through the hearts of millions: what would become of Dalda, the beloved Vanaspati that had become an indispensable part of their daily lives?
Dalda: A Household Name in Pre-Partition India
For the people of Punjab, a region that was brutally divided between India and Pakistan, the attachment to Dalda was more than just culinary. Introduced a decade earlier in 1937, Dalda had swiftly become a household name across the subcontinent, providing an affordable and reliable alternative to Desi Ghee. For many, especially those in Punjab, Dalda was the taste of home, a comforting constant in an era of uncertainty.
The story of Dalda begins in the 1930s when the Dutch company Dada & Co. started importing Vanaspati, a vegetable shortening created to replicate the taste and texture of desi ghee. During that era, desi ghee, made from cow’s milk, was a luxury item that many Indian households could only afford on special occasions. Recognizing the need for an affordable alternative, England’s Lever Brothers (now Unilever) saw an opportunity to enter the Indian market by producing Vanaspati locally.
From Dada to Dalda
In 1931, Lever Brothers established the Hindustan Vanaspati Manufacturing Company and acquired the rights to produce Dada’s vanaspati in India. However, Lever Brothers insisted on their ownership being reflected in the brand name. To achieve this, they added the letter “L” from “Lever” to “Dada,” creating the brand name “Dalda.” Launched in 1937, Dalda quickly became a household name across India, symbolizing a reliable and affordable alternative to desi ghee.
The Uncertainty of Dalda’s Future in Pakistan
But as the dust settled on the partition, and new borders were drawn, the future of Dalda in Pakistan was uncertain. The major companies that manufactured Dalda products were now on the Indian side of the border, leaving Pakistani consumers without their cherished brand. The longing for Dalda was palpable, and it wasn’t long before the clamor from the public grew too loud to ignore.
A Nation’s Demand Fulfilled
Responding to the persistent demand, the management of Dalda decided to reintroduce the product in Pakistan. With an aggressive advertising campaign that declared “Dalda is now Made in Pakistan,” the brand sought to reassure its loyal customers that their favorite product was still within reach. The beauty of this campaign lay in its inclusivity, with advertisements being crafted in both Urdu and Bengali. This was crucial, as East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) predominantly spoke Bangla, and Pakistan had adopted both Urdu and Bangla as official languages until 1971, when Bangladesh gained independence.
Dalda’s reintroduction in Pakistan was swift, and the brand quickly regained its footing. Managed by local stakeholders, Dalda’s production and marketing were reestablished, ensuring that it remained a staple in Pakistani households. The brand’s strong recognition and loyal customer base from the pre-partition era played a crucial role in its rapid resurgence.
Dalda’s Continued Legacy in India, Pakistan
Meanwhile, in India, Hindustan Lever (now Hindustan Unilever) continued to produce and market Dalda, solidifying its presence in Indian kitchens. Despite the partition, Dalda’s legacy persisted on both sides of the border, a testament to its deep-rooted presence in the culinary traditions of the subcontinent.
The story of Dalda during the partition is not just about a brand—it is about the resilience of a people, determined to hold on to the familiar tastes and traditions that had shaped their lives. Even as they faced the tragedies and upheavals of a divided land, the comforting taste of Dalda remained a unifying force, bridging the gap between past and present, India and Pakistan. Today, Dalda continues to thrive, a symbol of tradition, trust, and the enduring spirit of the subcontinent.
“Saare Jahan Se Achha Hindustan Hamara” is a foundational patriotic poem, penned by Muhammad Iqbal in 1904. Originally written for children and published in the weekly journal Ittehad on 16 August 1904, the poem was later recited by Iqbal at Government College, Lahore. Celebrating India’s beauty and cultural richness, it became deeply ingrained in the Indian consciousness and was included in Iqbal’s Urdu anthology Bang-i-Dara (1924). Over a century later, it remains a popular and cherished anthem in India. The verses were often sung by Mahatma Gandhi and were later adapted into a marching tune by sitar maestro Pandit Ravi Shankar.
Paradoxical Shift By 1910, merely five years after penning down Sare Jehan Se Acha Hindustan Hamara, ( Also known as Tarana-e-Hindi), Iqbal’s view had undergone a tectonic shift. His early secular and nationalistic outlook evolved into a more global and Islamic perspective. This shift is evident in his poem “Tarana-e-Milli,” written in the same metre as “Saare Jahan Se Achha,” where the focus shifts from the homeland of Hindustan to a broader Islamic identity. The line “Muslim hain hum, watan hai saara jahaan hamara” (We are Muslims, the whole world is our homeland) exemplifies this change in his philosophical and political outlook.
A comparison between Tarana-e-Hindi ( Left) and Tarana-e-Milli.
Despite this shift,“Saare Jahan Se Achha…..” remains a cherished patriotic song in India, frequently performed at national events, in schools, and by the armed forces. The popular version by Pandit Ravi Shankar, now the Indian Armed Forces’ quick march, underscores its lasting significance, even though some lines have been omitted. The poem’s legacy extends beyond India. In 1984, Astronaut Rakesh Sharma used its lines to describe India from space during a live broadcast with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
Sare Jehan Se Acha Hindustan Hamara— Rakesh Sharma’s iconic lines from the Space
Eyesore for Pakistan
Iqbal, who passed away on April 21, 1938, is revered as Pakistan’s national poet. However, “Saare Jahan Se Achha Hindustan Hamara” remains a contentious symbol there. The poem is an “eye-sore” for Pakistan, as they cannot deny its creation by Iqbal nor comfortably recite it in their land. So is the case with his “Tarana-e-Milli’’, that talks about China, Arab and other areas that do not fit into present global scheme of things.
Kashmir Rechords from its rare archival records is sharing “Sare Jehan Se Acha’’ written in Iqbal’s own handwriting.
Tarana-e-Hindi in Iqbal’s own handwriting.
Iqbal’s poetic journey reflects a profound transformation. His ancestors were Kashmiri Pandits from the Saproo dynasty who had moved to Sialkot many years ago. His shift from cherishing Hindustan to envisioning a broader Islamic unity within a few years of writing “Saare Jahan Se Achha” illustrates his evolving philosophical and political landscape. Despite his ideological shift, India continued to respect his poetry, with many institutions still named after him, such as the Library of Kashmir University in Srinagar. “Saare Jahan Se Achha” endures as a powerful emblem of national pride and unity in India, where it is sung on every National Day.
Iqbal’s Kashmir Roots!
Iqbal’s journey from celebrating the unity of Hindustan in “Saare Jahan Se Achha” to promoting a global Islamic identity in “Tarana-e-Milli” underscores the evolution of his philosophical and political beliefs, reflecting the complex interplay between nationalism and religious identity in the subcontinent’s history. “Saare Jahan Se Achha” remains a beloved patriotic anthem in India, performed across the nation on significant occasions, embodying the enduring spirit of national pride and unity.
In the early 19th century, the picturesque valleys of Kashmir were devastated by a series of merciless famines. Among the many who fled the land in search of survival was a young boy named Sultan Malik. Born into a Rajput Muslim family in Shahabad (Verinag), Kashmir, Sultan’s world was turned upside down when he became an orphan at the tender age of ten. With little more than hope and the guidance of his widowed mother, Sultan joined the exodus to Punjab—a journey that would ultimately lead him to an extraordinary destiny.
The Exodus to Punjab: A New Beginning in Lahore
The migration was fraught with hardship, but it led Sultan and his mother to Lahore, a city undergoing rapid transformation under the rule of Maharaja Sher Singh. Lahore, with its burgeoning construction projects, offered a glimmer of opportunity, though the city’s streets were unforgiving to the impoverished and unskilled. But Sultan was not one to succumb to despair. He was physically strong, with a fierce love for wrestling—a passion that would soon open unexpected doors.
Wrestling into Prominence: A Meeting with Maharaja Sher Singh
Urdu Newspaper and magazines of that era available with www.kashmir-rechords.com reveal that in a twist of fate, Sultan’s prowess in wrestling brought him into the limelight. During a wrestling match organized by Maharaja Sher Singh, the young Kashmiri boy defeated a well-known local wrestler, earning the attention of the Sikh monarch. Impressed by his strength and determination, the Maharaja granted Sultan an audience. It was during this meeting that Sultan shared his struggles in finding work, despite his skills and willingness to toil. Moved by his story, Maharaja Sher Singh awarded him a contract to supply lime (chuna) for the construction of the Lahore Fort—a decision that would alter the course of Sultan’s life.
The Rise of Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan
This contract was the foundation upon which Sultan built his future. His integrity and hard work quickly earned him a reputation, and soon he was known as Thekedar Mian Mohammad Sultan. His business thrived, and he became a key figure in the construction of several iconic buildings within Lahore’s walled city. Sultan’s rise from a struggling migrant to a celebrated contractor was nothing short of miraculous, a testament to his resilience and drive.
Legacy Beyond the Sikh Empire: Contributions to British Lahore
The fall of the Sikh Empire did not dim Sultan’s fortunes. The British, recognizing his contributions during the Sikh rule, entrusted him with numerous contracts, including the construction of army colonies and other critical structures. Among his most notable projects were the Lahore Railway Station, Landa Bazaar, Delhi Darwaza, and the grand Sultan Mehal. His work extended beyond mere construction; he built wells in the courtyards of buildings and havelis, acts of charity that endeared him to the people of Lahore.
Lahore Railway Stations constructed by Mian Mohd Sultan in 1859
Acts of Benevolence: Sultan’s Inn and Diplomatic Feasts
In 1853, Sultan built an inn near Delhi Gate, on the highway connecting Lahore and Amritsar. This inn provided much-needed rest to travellers and reinforced Sultan’s reputation as a benefactor. His generosity did not go unnoticed by the elite. In 1869, Sultan hosted a lavish feast for the Afghan monarch, strengthening ties between Lahore and Afghanistan. Seven years later, he welcomed Prince Albert Edward, the Prince of Wales, to Lahore, further solidifying his status as a man of influence and respect.
The Decline of Fortunes: A Legacy Endures
Despite his numerous successes, Sultan’s later years were marked by financial difficulties. After facing significant losses, he was forced to mortgage his properties to Maharaja Ranbir Singh of Jammu and Kashmir in exchange for a debt of five lakh rupees. The Maharaja, in recognition of Sultan’s contributions, granted him a pension, but Sultan never fully recovered. His properties were eventually sold, and his fortunes waned.
Mian Mohammad Sultan passed away on February 4, 1876, in Bama Balla, Lahore, leaving behind no heirs. Yet, his legacy as the builder of Lahore endures. A white stone memorial, erected in his honor during a visit by Lord Hardinge, Governor-General of India, in 1911, stands as a lasting testament to the man who, against all odds, shaped the architectural landscape of Lahore.
In the heart of Kashmir, a unique version of the Ramayana stands as a testament to the region’s rich cultural tapestry. This iconic Kashmiri Ramayana, penned by Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat and published multiple times between 1910 and 1940 by Ali Mohammad Tajar Kutab (later known as Ali Mohd and Sons) of Habba Kadal, Srinagar, is adorned with exquisite handmade sketches. These sketches, brimming with dedication and devotion, were crafted by two almost forgotten Kashmiri artists: R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din.
The Silent Artists Behind the Masterpiece
Much has been written about the Kashmiri Ramayanas, but little is known about R.C. Wantoo, a Kashmiri Pandit and G. Mohi ul Din. Their artistry brought to life the verses of Pandit Devkar Prakash Bhat, portraying the epic tales of Lord Rama with unmatched skill and passion. Their sketches provided visual narratives that complemented the poetic verses, making the stories more vivid and accessible to readers.
Preserving Their Legacy
Kashmir Rechords, is in possession of two editions of this Ramayana, published by Ali Mohd and Sons. These editions feature the names of R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din, etched beside their beautiful sketches. In an effort to ensure these artists are not forgotten, Kashmir Rechords is bringing their work to the public domain, hoping that those with knowledge of these artists can provide further insights.
The Kashmiri Ramayana: A Cultural Treasure
The book, titled “Rama Avtar Charit—Luv Kush Charit” and “Ramayan Bazaban Kashmiri” by Pandit Devkar Prakash Saheb Bhat, holds a significant place in Kashmiri literature. Even Sir George Grierson, who edited the summary page of Ramayana into English, did not include the sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din. Over the years, this Ramayana has been reprinted in various languages and scripts, including Kashmiri (Nastalique and Nagri), English, and Hindi. However, the unique handmade sketches by Wantoo and Mohi ul Din have often been missing in these versions.
A Call for Recognition
The history of the Kashmiri Ramayanas is vast. The first known Kashmiri Ramayana, “Shankara Ramayana,” was transcribed from Sharada into Devanagari by Shankar Kanth during the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. This was followed by several other versions, each contributing to the literary heritage of Kashmir. Among these, the “Rama Avtar Charit” by Divakar Prakash Bhat, used by George A. Grierson for his summary page translation work, stands out for its inclusion of Wantoo and Mohi ul Din’s sketches. It is in this book that the famous Kashmiri lines are found:
“Koushaliya Hindeh Gobroo,
Karyo Goore Goore,
Paryo Ram Ramie,
Karyo Goore Goore”
Seeking Contributions
Kashmir Rechords aims to publish a detailed account of the Kashmiri Ramayanas and their various editions in future write-ups. In the meantime, we are seeking information about R.C. Wantoo and G. Mohi ul Din. Those who know about these artists are encouraged to provide genuine inputs to support@kashmir-rechords.comor kashmirrechords@gmail.com. Full credit will be given to contributors, ensuring that the legacy of these remarkable artists is preserved and celebrated.
In the annals of pre-independence India, the name Rai Bahadur Dewan Manmohan Kaul stands out, not just for his administrative prowess but for his unique ability to connect with the diverse people he governed. Born on December 14, 1867, into a third-generation Kashmiri Pandit family in Punjab, Kaul’s journey from the academic corridors of Shahpur and Lahore to the challenging terrains of the frontier provinces is a tale of dedication, intelligence, and cultural empathy.
Early Life and Career
Kaul’s early education in Shahpur and subsequent F.A. degree from Lahore set the stage for a career marked by excellence. His academic brilliance and administrative skills caught the eye of Col. E.G. Vace, the Financial Commissioner of Punjab, who appointed him as Naib Tehsildar. Kaul’s ascent continued as he was promoted to Administrator Settlement and later appointed as Border Areas Development Commissioner. In this role, he administered the restive provinces of Swat, Buner, and Khad-o-Khel, among others.
Linguistic and Cultural Integration
One of Kaul’s most remarkable attributes was his fluency in Pashto, a language that endeared him to the local populace. Mohammad Din Fauq, one of Kashmir’s greatest historians, highlights this aspect in his seminal work on Kashmiris’ achievements. Kaul’s ability to speak the local language earned him immense respect and popularity, allowing him to navigate the frontier provinces without the need for an armed escort.
Rise to Prominence
Col. Henry Montgomery, the Settlement Commissioner of Punjab, recognizing Kaul’s capabilities, recommended him to the Maharaja of Kashmir for the position of Assistant Settlement Commissioner. Following the death of Mr. Rupert Murdoch, Kaul succeeded him and eventually took charge as the Settlement Commissioner in Kashmir. His tenure was marked by innovative initiatives, including a visionary plantation programme that provided employment to local residents and involved them in land revenue record-keeping.
Governorship and Reforms
Kaul’s exemplary work led to his appointment as the Governor of Kashmir on August 30, 1901. His governorship was characterized by relentless efforts to combat exploitative practices by traders, contractors, and octroi post agents. Kaul’s administration focused on infrastructure development, leading to the creation of new areas around Srinagar such as Raj Bagh, Gupkar, Munshi Bagh, and the Silk Factory. He also developed access roads to Gulmarg and Sonamarg, enhancing connectivity and trade.
Educational Contributions
Kaul was a staunch advocate for education, playing a pivotal role in elevating Sri Partap College and supporting institutions like the State High School and Islamia High School with generous financial grants. His contributions to education left a lasting impact on the region, fostering a culture of learning and progress.
Legacy and Reflections
Kaul’s legacy extended through his family, with his son, Maheshwar Nath Kaul, serving as the first Secretary of the Lok Sabha from 1947 to 1958. This remarkable lineage of service and excellence underscores the enduring contributions of the Kaul family to Indian society. Kashmir Rechords has already carried a detailed story about his son, which can be assessed at :https://kashmir-rechords.com/two-kashmiris-who-played-a-pivotal-role-in-indian-parliamentary-functioning/
Mohammad Din Fauq, reflecting on Kaul’s life and achievements, lamented that Kashmiris often excel outside their homeland—a sentiment that resonates even today. Manmohan Kaul’s story is a testament to the profound impact one individual can have through cultural empathy, administrative acumen, and an unwavering commitment to public service.
