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The Unsung Kedar Sharma—Munshi Allah Rakha of Vadi Ki Awaz

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

There was a time when a single voice travelling across the airwaves could unsettle hostile propaganda, reassure divided families and speak directly to the conscience of a fractured land. Long before social media, before digital warfare and televised debates, Radio Kashmir stood as the frontline of narrative resistance. Among its most formidable yet forgotten sentinels was Kedar Sharma, also fondly remembered by listeners as Kari Shah—a name that today barely survives outside fading memories and fragile archives.

Kedar Sharma’s name surfaces occasionally in historical lists of Radio Kashmir’s broadcasters and drama artistes, but the sparse references hardly do justice to the scale of his contribution. For over four decades, Kedar Sharma was not merely an artist; he was an institution—one of the voices that defined Radio Kashmir’s moral and political spine during some of its most turbulent years.

Born in 1923, Kedar Sharma joined Radio Kashmir in its formative era, when broadcasting was as much about culture as it was about conviction. He rose to national recognition through his unforgettable portrayal of “Munshi Allah Rakha” in the iconic programme Vadi Ki Awaaz, broadcast daily from Radio Kashmir, Srinagar. The programme was no ordinary broadcast. it was a strategic counter-propaganda initiative, aimed directly at listeners in Pakistan and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, dismantling hostile narratives while articulating the socio-political aspirations of the people across the divide.

Every broadcast opened with Sharma’s thunderous, unmistakable voice:

“Pakistan aur Pakistani maqbooza Kashmir mein Vadi Ki Awaaz programme sunne walon ko salaam—wale qaum!”

For thousands of listeners, that greeting was not just radio theatre—it was reassurance, resistance and recognition. His sharp exchanges with characters like “Nikki Appa”, delivered with wit, satire and moral clarity, cut through propaganda with a potency few could match. Sharma did not shout slogans; he reasoned, mocked falsehood and exposed contradictions—a masterclass in psychological and narrative warfare.

Yet, history has been unkind to its own architects.

Following the eruption of militancy in 1990, the very ecosystem that had once nurtured such excellence began to fracture. Vadi Ki Awaaz continued in name, but the standards of counter-propaganda programming set by stalwarts like Kedar Sharma were never matched again. What survived was only the shell—the title, the signature tune—while the soul quietly faded away.

Kedar Sharma passed away on August 2, 1990, at PGI Chandigarh, at the age of 67. His body was flown to Jammu the next day. Artists, staff members of Radio Kashmir, and citizens from all walks of life attended his funeral. A condolence meeting at Radio Kashmir, Jammu paid rich tributes to a man whose voice had once crossed borders with fearless clarity. He was a recipient of several Akashvani awards, yet today, his name is largely absent from the digital record.

To add to the confusion of memory, he is often mistakenly conflated with Kidar Nath Sharma, the celebrated Hindi film director and lyricist. The two shared a name—but not a legacy. Kedar Sharma of Radio Kashmir was a broadcaster, a dramatist and above all, a soldier of the airwaves, whose battlefield was the microphone and whose weapon was truth wrapped in performance.

Today, very little authentic information about Kedar Sharma of Radio Kashmir exists online. No readily available photographs. No detailed biographies. No official digital archive to narrate his story. And this is precisely why his rediscovery matters.

It is thanks to the archival efforts of Kashmir Rechords that such authentic material—scattered, endangered and nearly forgotten—has been preserved and contextualised for the present and next generation, many of whom have no inkling of the giants who once shaped Kashmir’s broadcasting history. Kashmir Rechords’ work ensures that voices like Kedar Sharma’s are not reduced to footnotes, but reclaimed as part of Kashmir’s intellectual and cultural inheritance.

Radio Kashmir—now rechristened as All India Radio Srinagar and All India Radio Jammu, was once a vital bridge between the people and the state. Kedar Sharma, Kari Shah, Munshi Allah Rakha—call him by any of his names—was one of the voices that made that bridge speak.

In an age obsessed with visibility, Kedar Sharma remains an unsung hero—not because his contribution was small, but because memory failed to keep pace with merit. It is time the airwaves remember the voice that once made them tremble.

For Further Reading about similar character of Vadi Ki Awaz-— Manohar Prothi, the Aziz Bhai, click Here:

DONATE FOR A CAUSE

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A Passionate Appeal to Philanthropists and Friends of Heritage

At a time when memory is fragile and history is increasingly reduced to fleeting headlines, Kashmir Rechords Foundation (Regd) stands as a quiet yet determined custodian of Jammu Kashmir’s lived past.

Over the last two years, this non-profit, non-government organisation, duly registered with Government of India has worked with limited resources but unwavering commitment to archive, document and preserve Kashmir’s socio-cultural, intellectual and historical legacy—stories that risk being lost if they are not recorded now. From chronicling overlooked historical episodes and personalities to amplifying voices long relegated to the margins,Kashmir Rechords has steadily emerged as a credible, people-driven archival initiative rooted in integrity, scholarship, and public service.

What has been achieved so far is meaningful—but it is only a beginning.

Much remains to be done. Vast archival material is yet to be accessed, oral histories await documentation and fragile documents, photographs and personal testimonies—often lying unprotected in homes and private collections—need urgent preservation before time erases them forever. This work is meticulous, time-sensitive, and resource-intensive.

We, therefore, make a heartfelt appeal to philanthropists, well-wishers, scholars and all those who believe that heritage, culture, and human dignity matter. As a gesture of transparency and gratitude, Kashmir Rechords Foundation will publish the names of all donors who wish to be acknowledged, recognising them as partners in this collective mission to preserve memory and empower lives.

Your contribution—no matter how little, modest or generous—will directly support:

  • Archiving, digitisation and preservation of rare historical material
  • Research and documentation of underrepresented narratives
  • Cultural activities aimed at sustaining Kashmir’s plural traditions
  • Support for needy and deserving students and individuals, enabling education, research, and cultural engagement

Kashmir Rechords Foundation further solemnly pledges that the major portion of all donations will be utilised for cultural activities and for extending meaningful support to deserving and underprivileged students and individuals, ensuring that heritage preservation goes hand in hand with social responsibility.

Every donation thus becomes not merely a financial contribution, but a moral investment in culture, education and continuity.

History does not survive by chance—it survives because individuals choose to protect it.

Stand with Kashmir Rechords Foundation.
Help safeguard Kashmir’s heritage.
Help nurture those who will carry it forward.

Because what we fail to preserve today may be lost forever.
This is a moment to choose remembrance over amnesia.

Stand with Kashmir Rechords Foundation.
Help preserve a heritage that belongs not just to  Jammu Kashmir, but to all of us.

Because what we fail to record today, we may never recover tomorrow.

Here’s how you can help:

Donate to Kashmir Rechords Foundation:

Bank Details
KASHMIR RECHORDS FOUNDATION (Regd)
Acct No: 0274010100003893
Jammu and Kashmir Bank.
IFSC: JAKA0CHAWRI


Address:
1. H No 1, Lane-2, Bharat Nagar, Bantalab, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir (India)-181123
2. C 1/1401, Kendriya Vihar, Greater Noida ( Delhi-NCR)-201315

You can also use our QR Code.
With Regards,

Kashmir Rechords Foundation( Regd)

www.kashmir-rechoprds.com

Email: kashmirrechords@gmail.com / support@kashmir-rechords.com

Phone: +918383909284

Jammu’s Quest for Statehood

(Kashmir Rechords News Desk)

The demand for a separate Jammu state has been raised intermittently over the years. It notably resurfaced during the 2019 reorganization of the former Jammu and Kashmir state, when Ladakh was granted Union Territory status, fulfilling a long-standing demand of its people. However, the call for a separate Jammu state, much like the Kashmiri Pandits’ demand for a homeland with Union Territory status, went unmet. Concerns about Jammu’s alleged political marginalization particularly since 1979, have been central to this debate. The demand for a separate Jammu state was first voiced by Jan Sangh ideologue Balraj Madhok, who advocated for Union Territory status for border areas such as Teetwal and Uri, alongside the division of Ladakh.

Over time, the issue has periodically emerged as a significant election theme. Various political parties have included the demand for a separate Jammu state in their manifestos, feeling that the region has been consistently sidelined by what they term “Kashmiri leadership.” Yet, even with this being a popular electoral issue, it has not gained widespread traction or acceptance, even within the top leadership of the BJP. For example, in  September 1990, former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, during his visit to Jammu, opposed the idea of a separate Jammu state, though he supported Union Territory status for Ladakh. His stance, as a respected statesman and intellectual, was viewed as a decisive one, likely backed by careful political consideration.

The demand for Jammu statehood has also seen attempts at political mobilization. Prof. Virender Gupta of Jammu University founded the Jammu State Morcha, later renamed the Jammu Mukti Morcha, with the explicit aim of creating a separate Jammu state. Despite his efforts and those of his supporters, the movement struggled to gain electoral success, with Gupta’s party failing to secure a single assembly seat, in contrast to the BJP, which has focused on addressing the issue of discrimination without advocating for full statehood.

Historically, Jammu’s political grievances came to the forefront during the 1966 Jammu Students’ agitation, which also raised the issue of discrimination. However, the demand for a separate Jammu state was suppressed, and the movement eventually lost momentum. Kashmir’s politicians on the other hand have always been telling that there was no discrimination with Jammu as it was merely a poll plank to woo voters and befool people of the region.

In contrast, Ladakh, which was granted Union Territory status in 2019, appears to have resolved some of its historical grievances. However, many Ladakhi leaders in past have stated that their region did not experience the same level of political discrimination as Jammu. Nevertheless, some sections of Ladakh’s population are now reportedly dissatisfied with their Union Territory status, with concerns that extend beyond their prior claims of discrimination.

As the September-October elections of 2024 underscore the deepening political divide, with the BJP consolidating its grip in Jammu, the demand for a separate Jammu state again resurfaced. However, the fact that a statesman of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s stature publicly opposed the demand in 1990 remains a significant factor. His opposition likely stemmed from strong political and strategic convictions, which continue to influence the BJP’s position on the matter.

The debate surrounding Jammu’s political future continues to be shaped by both historical grievances and present-day electoral dynamics. While calls for statehood persist, they face substantial political and ideological challenges.

Kashmir’s Vintage Cycle Allowance Order of 1943!

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(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In the autumn of 1942, amidst the sweeping changes of colonial India, a curious proposal made its way through the corridors of power in Jammu and Kashmir. Sir N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, the Prime Minister of the Princely State, was at the helm of the administration, when an intriguing request was placed before him. It concerned the Jamadar, Flower Nursery—an employee responsible for tending to the gardens and parks of Srinagar, who had to travel considerable distances every day.

The proposal? To grant him a Cycle Allowance of just four rupees per month, a modest sum that would assist this hard-working individual with the cost of his daily commute. The Director of Agriculture had initially mooted this idea, and after a review from the Office of the Accountant General in Srinagar, it was found to be free of audit objections. However, it still needed the Prime Minister’s approval and the concurrence of the Finance Department before it could become official.

A Legacy from Kashmir’s Past

In a rather surprising turn of events, the Accountant General, having reviewed the matter, recommended a slight enhancement. Instead of the originally suggested four rupees, the allowance was raised to five rupees per month, an increase that would later be ratified by the Chief Secretary of Jammu and Kashmir, Mr. Haveli Ram, on August 24, 1943. This new allowance was officially sanctioned to the Jamadar with the date of First Bhadon, 1999 Vikram Samvat (August 17, 1942, Gregorian) marked as its effective start.

It was a decision that would surely bring delight to the concerned employee, for in those days, such a sum would have been considered a small fortune for many in the workforce. The Jamadar, whose duties included visiting the sprawling gardens attached to the State Houses, would now be receiving a monthly allowance that reflected the growing importance of bicycles as a mode of transportation for government workers.

Interestingly, the concept of Cycle Allowance was not unique to Jammu and Kashmir. During the 1930s and 1940s, the British colonial administration introduced similar allowances across India to support employees whose roles required long commutes on bicycles. Factory workers, postmen, and other such workers were the primary beneficiaries, as the British government recognized the efficiency bicycles provided in completing work-related travel. This initiative aimed to enhance productivity while simultaneously providing employees with a much-needed subsidy for their transportation.

Even after India’s independence in 1947, the Cycle Allowance persisted, serving as a symbolic link between the colonial past and the newly independent nation. As bicycles remained the most affordable mode of transport for low-wage earners, the allowance became a fixture in government payrolls.

A Relic of Bygone Era

However,  the Cycle Allowance eventually became a relic of a bygone era. The 7th Central Pay Commission, in its efforts to rationalize allowances, abolished the Cycle Allowance. Yet, a few exceptions remained. The Department of Posts and Railways retained the allowance for Postmen and Trackmen, doubling the allowance from ₹90 to ₹180 per month to reflect inflation and changing times.

By the turn of the 21st century, the landscape of public transportation in India had undergone a remarkable transformation. Bus routes, metro systems, and trains became reliable urban connectors, and private vehicles, including two-wheelers and cars, became increasingly accessible to the middle class. With these changes, the Cycle Allowance began to feel more like a remnant of a different time. In today’s era of electric vehicles, ride-sharing, and high-speed metros, the Cycle Allowance is undoubtedly a curious survivor. It serves as a testament to how a simple measure—like a small allowance for cycling—could have an enduring impact on the lives of workers. For some, the Cycle Allowance will always be a symbol of resilience and a quirky piece of history that managed to endure.

Prem Nath Bhat: A Torchbearer of Unity and Service

(Kashmir Rechords Desk)

Late Shri Prem Nath Bhat, the first journalist martyred during the Kashmir turmoil, has become an enduring symbol of resistance against religious fundamentalism and the ethnic cleansing of vulnerable minorities, particularly the Kashmiri Pandit community. In both life and death, he exemplified a remarkable commitment to unity and service to humanity, transcending religious, political and ideological boundaries. A true awakened soul, Shri Prem Nath Bhat combined exceptional leadership qualities with an unwavering dedication to his homeland, choosing to remain in Kashmir despite the threats of terrorism that ultimately claimed his life.

His father, Pt. Lachman Bhat, deeply grieved by the tragic loss of his illustrious son, passed away on November 6, 1990, in Jammu, less than a year after Shri Prem Nath Bhat’s assassination.

The Black Day

December 27, 1989, marks a dark chapter in India’s history, as this great son of Kashmir was gunned down, symbolizing a direct assault on India’s ethos and the centuries-old value system of Kashmir. Known for its harmonious and inclusive culture, the Kashmir of Shri Prem Nath Bhat’s time was tragically torn apart by violence and hatred.

He was the third prominent Kashmiri Pandit to fall victim to terrorism during that turbulent period, following the assassinations of Tika Lal Taploo in September 1989 and Neelkanth Ganjoo in November 1989. Shri Prem Nath Bhat was targeted for his fearless advocacy on behalf of the Kashmiri Pandit community. His efforts extended across India as he championed the cause of his people, built institutions, safeguarded temples and properties and worked tirelessly to alleviate the fear psychosis gripping the community following the 1986 Anantnag riots.

Despite the peak of anti-national activities in 1989-1990, and even against the advice of well-meaning Muslim friends urging him to leave the valley, Shri Prem Nath Bhat chose to remain steadfast in Kashmir, epitomizing unparalleled courage.

A Multifaceted Personality

In addition to being an accomplished advocate, Shri Prem Nath Bhat was a distinguished journalist with a profound understanding of the socio-political issues and shifting dynamics of Kashmir. He served as a correspondent for Daily Excelsior from Anantnag and contributed incisive articles for the newspaper’s Op-Ed pages and weekly magazine. Deeply influenced by the teachings of Shri Ramakrishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivekananda, his life was guided by their ideals of selfless service and social reform.

Early Life and Legacy

Born in 1932 into a middle-class family, Pandit Prem Nath Bhat, affectionately known as “Bhat Sahab,” completed his education at Amar Singh College and S.P. College in Srinagar. A gifted debater and dedicated social worker, he was actively involved in community welfare from a young age. To honor his memory and the sacrifices of other martyrs, the Kashmiri Pandit community observes December 27 as Chetna Divas annually. The Prem Nath Bhat Memorial Trust continues to lead efforts for the passage of the Temples and Shrine Bill while also acknowledging the contributions of journalists through an annual award in Shri Prem Nath Bhat’s name.

To read another story about P N Bhat, Click Here:

Dr J. N. Bhan: The Mind That Built Jammu University

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

In an age when institutions were shaped not by committees but by conviction, Dr J N Bhan stood tall as a rare, multi-dimensional intellectual. Today’s generation of teachers and students may scarcely know his name, yet for those who witnessed his era, he was the very definition of an ideal academic: a revered teacher, a profound economist, a visionary administrator and a principled public intellectual.

He was the first Vice-Chancellor of the University of Jammu, appointed in 1969, and one of the principal architects of higher education in the region. His life’s journey—from pre-Partition Kashmir classrooms to London’s academic corridors, and finally to institution-building in Jammu—reads like a quiet epic of dedication.

Roots in Kashmir, Values for Life

Born in 1915 into a conservative Kashmiri Pandit family, Dr Bhan was raised in the traditions, discipline and cultural ethos of the time. His early education at SP High School Srinagar laid a strong foundation, after which he joined SP College Srinagar, graduating in 1936.

Even as a student, he was far from cloistered in books alone. He actively participated in the anti-communalism movement led by Kashyap Bandhu, reflecting an early moral clarity that would define his life. This engagement also brought him close to thinkers such as Prem Nath Bazaz, placing him firmly within the progressive intellectual currents of pre-Partition Kashmir.

The Making of a Scholar

Dr Bhan pursued his post-graduation in Economics in Delhi, earning distinction and later expanded his academic breadth with postgraduate degrees in History and Political Science—a rare interdisciplinary depth for his time.

Returning to Kashmir, he joined SP College Srinagar as a Lecturer in Economics and History, serving from 1938 to 1946. His classroom reputation grew quickly: lucid, rigorous and inspiring; he was already being spoken of as a teacher who shaped minds, not merely syllabi.

London Years: Academia and Diplomacy

In 1946, Dr Bhan travelled to London to pursue his doctorate in Economics. These years proved formative in more ways than one. Alongside academic work, he served as Assistant Press Attaché to the Indian High Commission in the UK, gaining first-hand exposure to diplomacy and international affairs.

During this period, he came into close contact with P. N. Haksar and Khushwant Singh, relationships that broadened his intellectual horizons and deepened his understanding of India’s place in the world.

Return to J&K: Scholar-Administrator Emerges

In 1951, Dr Bhan was recalled by the government led by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and appointed Professor and Head, Department of Economics at GGM Science College Jammu.

A brief but telling episode followed in 1953, when he was asked to succeed J. N. Zutshi as Director General of Information and Broadcasting. Disillusioned by internal squabbles, Dr Bhan chose principle over position, returning to academia by joining the Education Department as Secretary—a decision that revealed his deep aversion to politicised dysfunction.

A University Builder, Not Just a Vice-Chancellor

In September 1957, Dr Bhan joined the University of Jammu & Kashmir as Professor and Head, Department of Economics. His administrative acumen soon became evident, as  in 1963, he was appointed Pro-Vice-Chancellor and in 1969, became the first Vice-Chancellor of the newly established University of Jammu.

He famously described the creation of the University as the “fulfilment of a genuine demand of the people of Jammu.” To him, it was not merely an institution—but a promise to future generations.

Dr Bhan’s love for the University of Jammu was profound and personal. He nurtured it in its infancy—laying academic standards, shaping departments, and fostering a culture of integrity and scholarship.

Beyond administration, he remained a hands-on academic. University archives and PhD bibliographies record him as a research supervisor, underscoring his commitment to mentoring young scholars and strengthening research-led teaching in Jammu & Kashmir.

A brilliant orator, a measured thinker and a man of unwavering values, Dr Bhan commanded respect without demanding it. Students admired his clarity, colleagues trusted his judgment and the academic community recognised his quiet authority.

After retirement, he continued public service as a member of the State Planning Board, bringing economic insight to policy formulation.

The Day Jammu Stood Still

On May 31, 1990, Dr J. N. Bhan passed away at his Gandhi Nagar residence in Jammu, following a massive heart attack. He was 75 and had been in fragile health for several months.

Such was the esteem in which he was held that the University of Jammu closed for the day—a rare institutional tribute—honouring the man who had built it brick by brick, principle by principle.

Dr Bhan’s legacy did not fade with time. In September 2012, the University of Jammu instituted the Prof. J. N. Bhan Memorial Lecture Series in Economics—a formal recognition of his foundational role in shaping economic thought and higher education in the region.

Dr J. N. Bhan’s life stands as a reminder that universities are not merely built by funds or files, but by vision, scholarship, and character. He remains remembered as a nation-builder in the classroom, a statesman in administration, a mentor to generations and a man who served without noise, ambition or compromise.

In nurturing the University of Jammu in its earliest days, Dr Bhan ensured that his own life would become inseparable from the institution’s history—a legacy that continues to inspire, quietly yet enduringly.

Digital Silence: How J&K’s Migrant Property Portal Fails Kashmiri Pandits

(Kashmir Rechords Desk)

In Jammu and Kashmir, official websites seem to be no longer instruments of governance. They are props. Launched with ceremony, left to rot without accountability, they exist to create an illusion of care while delivering administrative indifference. For displaced Kashmiri Pandits—people already stripped of homes, dignity and decades of security—this digital apathy is not a minor inconvenience. It is cruelty by design.

When governments speak of Digital Governance and citizen services, citizens expect access, transparency and resolution. What they receive instead, in Jammu and Kashmir, is something far more disturbing: digital deceit masquerading as reform.

A Portal Meant to Heal, Turned into a Weapon of Neglect

The Kashmir Migrants Immovable Properties/Community Assets Related Grievance Redressal System, launched under the Department of Disaster Management, Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction (DMRRR), was projected as a lifeline for displaced Kashmiri Pandits—a long-awaited mechanism to reclaim properties lost to violence, encroachment and abandonment.

Today, that portal stands exposed as a hollow shell.

Months after its launch, the system remains functionally dead. Complaints cannot be filed. Grievances cannot be submitted. And accountability remains nowhere in sight. What was advertised as empowerment has devolved into one of the most callous administrative failures in the Union Territory.

This failure is neither unknown nor undocumented.

On October 23, 2025, Kashmir Rechords published a detailed report (https://kashmir-rechords.com/digital-betrayal-how-jk-governments-grievance-portal-cheats-kashmiri-pandits/) exposing the portal’s dysfunction, tagging the Lieutenant Governor’s administration and even the Raj Bhavan. The response from the authorities has been chillingly predictable: absolute silence.

In a democracy, silence in the face of documented suffering is not neutrality. It is complicity.

The Cruelty of an Unsent OTP

The real story begins where governance collapses—at the moment a displaced migrant tries to file a grievance.

The portal demands OTP verification on email before submission. Migrants comply, entering exhaustive personal details and property records—often tied to memories of homes they were forced to flee over three decades ago.

But the OTP never arrives.

The process stops mid-way. The complaint remains unsubmitted. Hours of emotional and administrative labour vanish into a digital void.

This is not a technical oversight. This is systemic indifference encoded into software.

As anguished netizens observed: “This is not a glitch. It is deliberate negligence—a mockery of an already battered community.”

Developed and hosted by the Jammu and Kashmir e-Governance Agency (JaKeGA), this portal functions less as a grievance redressal system and more as a bureaucratic dead end. It absorbs hope, records nothing, and resolves even less.

For a government that repeatedly claims commitment to the rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits, this portal exposes a disturbing truth: the rhetoric is alive, but the responsibility is dead.

A Helpline That Cannot Be Called

If the broken OTP is insult enough, the so-called helpline seals the deception.

The prominently displayed number—0191-2956285—is invalid. Non-functional. Repeated calls return a robotic verdict: This number is invalid. Truecaller vaguely identifies it as a “Kashmir Helpline Jammu Property,” a label that mocks the very idea of assistance.

A dead helpline is not an error. It is a confession.

The portal assures applicants that “the concerned District Magistrate will contact the applicant.” In reality, not a single migrant reports receiving a call, an email, or even an acknowledgment.

Responses to Kashmir Rechords’ October 23 exposé tell a uniform story: no response, no communication, no redress—despite public tagging of the highest constitutional offices in the UT.

A grievance portal that prevents grievances from being filed is not governance—it is state-sponsored silence. It offers visibility without voice, access without outcome, and promises without presence.

This is not merely a broken website.
It is a broken promise.
And for a community still waiting to return home, it is yet another reminder that exile has now been digitised.

When Mufti Sayeed Ordered a Ban on  Kashmiri Pandit Exodus in April 1990!

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

It may sound startling now, but history records a moment when the Union Government formally ordered that the migration of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley be stopped. Even more strikingly, those who had already fled were expected to return to Kashmir—not to resettle elsewhere, but to live inside protected camps within the Valley itself.

This extraordinary directive came on April 29, 1990, announced by none other than Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, then India’s Union Home Minister, barely a few months after the community’s mass displacement had shaken the Nation.

During his two-day visit to Jammu, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed  had instructed the then Jammu and Kashmir administration to prevent any further migration of Kashmiri Pandits with immediate effect. The directive was unambiguous: the exodus from Kashmir had to stop.

Addressing a press conference before returning to Delhi, Mufti  had made it clear that the Centre did not favour relocating Pandits to Jammu or elsewhere outside the Valley. Instead, he directed the government to establish secure, well-protected camps within Kashmir for vulnerable members of the community.

“There is no point in permitting them to migrate to Jammu,” the Home Minister said during the press conference, pointing to the lack of adequate facilities there—particularly in the harsh summer months.

Newspaper Report dated April 29, 1990, quoting Home Minister Mufti Mohd Sayeed on migration of Kashmiri Pandits

Kashmir Rechords, by reproducing the newspaper clipping of April 30, 1990, seeks to preserve this largely forgotten record—not to reopen old wounds, but to document a critical truth: that the Kashmiri Pandit exodus was never officially intended to be permanent, and that at a crucial moment, the Indian State attempted—however imperfectly—to halt it.

Pandits as ‘Soft Targets’—Yet Asked to Stay

Mufti  had acknowledged what many already feared: Kashmiri Pandits had become “soft targets” for militant groups, amid a sharp rise in targeted killings. Yet, rather than allowing people to flee, his solution was containment and protection within the Valley.

The idea was like this:
Pandits would be settled in protected zones, guarded by security forces, rather than dispersed outside their homeland.

Newspapers of the time prominently quoted the Home Minister lamenting that Pandits lodged in camps in Jammu were living without even basic essentials—“without cots and necessities”—arguing that migration to places unprepared to support them only worsened their suffering. Yet a section of Pandit leadership of that time opposed and assailed Mufti for his order to ban exodus of Pandits from Kashmir.

Jagmohan’s Earlier Appeal—and the Community’s Rejection

Mufti’s proposal was not entirely new. Just weeks earlier, on March 7, 1990, then Governor Jagmohan had  too publicly floated a similar idea. He had appealed to Kashmiri Pandits not to leave the Valley and urged those who had already fled to return, assuring them full protection in camps to be set up at district headquarters.

That proposal, too, met with strong resistance from the displaced community, which viewed the idea of protected camps inside a hostile environment with deep suspicion and fear. Security concerns, coupled with the trauma of recent killings, led many Pandit leaders to outright reject the plan. Jagmohan’s appeal, however, had  came at a time when the community was deeply traumatised. Targeted killings, intimidation and nightly slogans had shattered trust. For many Pandits, the idea of returning to live in camps inside the Valley—however protected on paper—appeared unsafe and psychologically untenable.

Why the Plan Never Took Off?

What emerges from these two interventions—Jagmohan’s appeal in March and Mufti Sayeed’s directive in April—is a rare moment of policy convergence. For a brief period in 1990, Raj Bhavan and the Union Home Ministry were aligned in their assessment that the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits was not meant to become permanent. Both believed the situation could be stabilised, camps secured, and the community retained—or brought back—within the Valley.

That moment, however, proved fleeting.

The proposals never moved beyond intent. Security conditions continued to deteriorate, fear deepened and opposition from within the displaced community hardened. In May 1990, Governor Jagmohan was replaced, bringing an abrupt end to his initiative. By November 10, 1990, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed ceased to be Home Minister. With the departure of both principal actors, the policy lost institutional backing and quietly faded from public discourse.

What was once imagined as a short-term dislocation, possibly resolved by the summer of 1990, has now stretched into over 36 years of displacement. The subject of sending migrants back by 1990, remains one of the most under-reported and least discussed episodes of the Kashmiri Pandit tragedy—raising uncomfortable questions about policy, preparedness and the chasm between intention and outcome.

History often remembers outcomes. It rarely remembers intentions that failed.

This is one such intention—recorded in ink, buried in archives and largely erased from public memory.

When Indira Gandhi announced liberation of Bangladesh!

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(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

It was on December 16, 1971… The Parliament was in session… Around 5.30 pm, Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi, while walking briskly to the packed House, had announced amidst thunderous cheers in the Parliament the unconditional surrender of the West Pakistani occupation forces and the liberation of Bangladesh.

The House had gone into delirious joy and cheered almost every word and sentence of the Prime Minister’s announcement. ‘Dacca is now the Capital of a free Country…..The West Pakistani forces have unconditionally surrendered….’’, Mrs Gandhi had made the historic announcement.

A PTI news, carried by various newspapers across India, including in  Jammu and Kashmir, had quoted the Prime Minister announcing that the “Instrument of Surrender was signed at 1631 hours by Lt. Gen A. A. K Niazi on behalf of the Pakistan Eastern Command. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Arora, Commander of the Indian and Bangladesh Forces in the Eastern Sector accepted the surrender’’.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s speech in the Parliament on the liberation of Dhaka

In her brief speech, the Prime Minister had hailed the people of Bangladesh in their hour of triumph. “We hail the brave young men and boys of the Mukti Bahini. ‘We are proud of our Army, Navy and Air Force (cheers) and our Border Security Forces (cheers) who have magnificently demonstrated their quality and capacity’’, Mrs Gandhi said.

Significance of Vijay Diwas

It is in the backdrop of this historical reality that every year on December 16,  India marks the Day as `Vijay Diwas’, a solemn occasion that signifies India’s triumph over Pakistan in the 1971 war, which eventually led to the birth of Bangladesh. This day serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made and the courage displayed by the soldiers who played a pivotal role in this historic event. It also debunked the two-nation theory propounded by Ali Mohd Jinnah.

The India-Pakistan 13-Day war over the then East Pakistan had started on December 3, 1971, and culminated in the surrender of Pakistan’s Eastern Command to the joint forces of India and Bangladesh. This decisive moment resulted in the liberation of East Pakistan, now known as Bangladesh, establishing it as an independent Nation.

Signing of Instrument of Surrender.

The Indian Military, under the leadership of General Sam Manekshaw, had played a commendable role in providing strategic direction, ensuring victory alongside the Mukti Bahini—Bangladeshi freedom fighters.

Lt Gen J S Arora inspecting a division of Pakistani soldiers who had surrendered at Dhaka on Dec 16, 1971

Death for the idea of Pakistan

It was a death blow for Pakistan on December 16, 1971. Born in hatred and blood, on August 14, 1947, the idea died in the same hatred and blood. Its two wings, separated by more than 1600 kilometers and kept together only by the tenuous ties of religion, were cut. Along with it the two Nation theory propounded by Mohammad Ali Jinnah got exploded, proving within one generation, that religion cannot form the sole or even the predominant basis of Nationhood.

Zarb-e-Momin and the Kashmir Mirage!

(Kashmir Rechords Report)

It was December 1989 when Pakistan launched its biggest-ever military exercise, Zarb-e-Momin, creating an imaginary war-like situation under a carefully crafted plan that pitted two fictional countries against each other: Fox Land, representing India and Blue Land, representing Pakistan. The exercise was no innocent drill; it was designed with a calculated and rather sinister purpose—to portray India before the world as the “aggressor,” and to send a powerful psychological signal to Kashmiri militants that Pakistan was fully behind them, ready to take on India and assured of victory regardless of India’s strength.

Zarb-e-Momin did not arise in isolation. It was, in fact, the psychological follow-up to an earlier covert strategy: Operation Topac, conceived in the late 1980s under General Zia-ul-Haq. Operation Topac formed the backbone of Pakistan’s proxy-war blueprint in Kashmir. Its hidden strategy was straightforward but devastating: ignite separatist sentiment, arm and train Kashmiri youth and foreign fighters and internationalise the Kashmir issue by projecting the unrest as a spontaneous people’s uprising rather than a Pakistan-backed intervention.

As this covert programme expanded, Kashmir further slipped rapidly into full-scale insurgency around 1988–89. Groups such as the `JKLF’ and later more hardline Islamist organisations, took up arms. Pakistan’s training camps, infiltration routes, weapons supply and sanctuary across the Line of Control transformed local anger into a structured militant movement. The proxy war had stepped out of the shadows and onto the streets of the Valley.

It was precisely at this moment of peak volatility that Pakistan unveiled Zarb-e-Momin. Officially, it was a military simulation to test Pakistan Army’s “offensive defence” doctrine and its integration with the Air Force. But to militants in the Valley, and to many ordinary Kashmiris, the exercise conveyed something far more potent: the impression that Pakistan was preparing not just to support them covertly but to stand behind them with tanks, fighter jets and massive troop strength.

The Pakistani press of the time went out of its way to reinforce this illusion. On December 10, 1989, newspapers dramatically reported that Pakistan’s “full-scale war exercise” had entered its crucial phase. They described how, at dawn, “Fox Land” (clearly India) had launched an “offensive” in the Chor, Rahim Yar Khan and Bahawalpur sectors to seize strategic territory from “Blue Land” (Pakistan). According to these reports, Fox Land had deployed sizeable infantry formations supported by armoured units. Blue Land was shown as retaliating with force and brilliance, outsmarting the aggressor and demonstrating superior military capability.

This psychological theatre was not restricted to newspapers. Pakistan Television carried continuous “war briefings” featuring the Foreign Minister Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, the Minister of State for Defence, Ghulam Sarwar Cheema, the Chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, and the Army, Navy and Air Force chiefs. Two teams of journalists were despatched to “frontline positions” to file dramatic field reports. Representatives from over twenty countries were invited to witness what Pakistan presented as a realistic war scenario, carefully orchestrated to show India as the first attacker.

In Kashmir’s already charged environment, this spectacle had immense impact. Zarb-e-Momin became a psychological instrument—not merely a military rehearsal but a promise in disguise. Militants interpreted it as a sign that Pakistan’s regular army was preparing to intervene if the insurgency gained momentum. Many young Kashmiris genuinely believed that if they “held on,” Pakistan’s tanks and fighter jets, showcased on Pakistan’s national television, would one day cross the border to “liberate” them. For a generation entering militancy, it appeared that Pakistan’s State Power stood firmly behind them and that India, however strong, could ultimately be defeated.

With hindsight, that belief appears tragically misplaced. Pakistan never escalated beyond calibrated proxy warfare. No armoured columns rolled into Kashmir. No liberation offensive materialised. Zarb-e-Momin’s fiery display remained exactly that—a display. Yet the illusion it created was powerful enough to draw hundreds more into militancy, strengthening the spiral of conflict.

The psychological expectation that Pakistan cultivated—Operation Topac’s covert preparation reinforced by Zarb-e-Momin’s public theatrics—helped push Kashmir deeper into a prolonged and devastating vortex. The people of Jammu and Kashmir paid the heaviest price: decades of violence, displacement, grief, fractured communities and a lost generation.

In the end, many argue that Pakistan’s strategy amounted to selling a dream it never intended to fulfil—befooling the very population in whose name the proxy war was waged. The combination of covert promises and overt theatrics, beginning with Zarb-e-Momin in December 1989, shaped one of the darkest chapters in the region’s history.

When Justice Bhat Mediated for Rubaiya Sayeed’s Release

(Kashmir Rechords Archival Desk)

Thirty-six years have passed, yet the kidnapping of Dr. Rubaiya Sayeed—daughter of then Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed—continues to cast a long, mysterious shadow over Kashmir’s turbulent history. And with the CBI further probing the case recently, the events of those nerve-racking days in December 1989 feel more alive—and more confounding—than ever.

But what many from today’s generation don’t know, and what many from that era have almost forgotten, is the extraordinary—and unlikely—team of negotiators who risked everything to bring Rubaiya home.

This was a chapter where a High Court judge, a surgeon, a lawyer, and an MLA outmaneuvered fear, bureaucracy, and hardened militants to negotiate one of the most controversial prisoner exchanges in India’s history.

Thanks to an archival newspaper cutting unearthed by Kashmir Rechords : http://www.kashmir-rechords.com—a detailed byline story by the journalist Zafar Meraj, published in Kashmir Times on December 15, 1989—we finally revisit the tense back-channel dealings that shaped this saga.

A Judge Steps Into the Shadows

When Rubaiya was abducted on December 10, 1989, Kashmir was already a pressure cooker. Militancy was rising, politics was volatile and official responses were scattered.Into this chaos stepped a man few would have expected:

Justice Moti Lal Bhat, a Kashmiri Pandit and a sitting judge of the Allahabad High Court—transferred from the J&K High Court barely a month earlier.

He had flown to Srinagar on vacation. He was scheduled to leave for Delhi the morning after the kidnapping. But upon hearing the news, he cancelled his plans. As a close friend of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, he felt compelled to act—and he did so immediately, quietly, and without official sanction.His decision would alter the course of the crisis.

The Unlikely Quartet of Negotiators

According to Zafar Meraj’s report, Justice Bhat did not operate alone. He assembled a team of intermediaries who were trusted—strangely enough—by both the establishment and the underground:

Dr. Abdul Ahad Guru, the celebrated cardiac surgeon who happened to be treating militant leader Abdul Hamid Sheikh.

Mian Abdul Qayoom, prominent lawyer and later Bar president.

Mir Mustafa, MLA and influential political figure.

Together, they made a quartet unlike anything seen before or after in Kashmir’s conflict narrative. And in a cruel twist of fate—both Dr. Guru and Mir Mustafa were later assassinated by militants belonging to the same organisation whose cadres they helped secure freedom for.

Contact Established—And the Clock Begins

Zafar Meraj’s report reveals that Justice Bhat managed to establish contact with the captors on the sixth day, after painstaking efforts at building trust.

The militants’ demand was clear and uncompromising: Release five jailed JKLF militants, including Abdul Hamid Sheikh. Only then, and only after a 48-hour “cooling period,” would Rubaiya be freed.

The cooling period, they said, was needed to safely move the militants to hidden locations. The government initially resisted—suggesting a one-for-one formula, then demanding simultaneous exchange. The militants rejected both. Tension escalated.

Justice Bhat negotiated relentlessly and managed to bring down the cooling-off period to three hours, giving his personal assurance that the freed militants would not be re-arrested or shadowed.

But when everything seemed to be aligning, the state government hardened its stance.

Talks Collapse. A Final Warning. Delhi Steps In.

On Sunday night, the militants issued a chilling message: Accept all demands, or Rubaiya will be killed. Justice Bhat, disappointed and angry at the government’s vacillation, told officials bluntly that the responsibility would lie with them.

With the crisis slipping out of control, the Centre intervened decisively.

Union Ministers I.K. Gujral and Arif Mohammad Khan flew to Srinagar at daybreak and held a closed-door meeting with Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah—and the tone was unmistakably stern.

The message: Resolve it. Now. Or Delhi will take charge.

Only after this intervention did the state government return to the negotiators, agreeing fully to the militants’ terms—including the three-hour gap.

The Exchange: A Choreographed Twilight Deal

The final act unfolded with cinematic tension.The five militants—including Abdul Hamid Sheikh—were quietly driven to Rajouri Kadal, near the ancestral home of Moulvi Farooq. They disappeared into the maze-like inner city on auto-rickshaws. Simultaneously, Rubaiya was moved from one hideout to another in the densely populated neighbourhoods of downtown Srinagar.

At around 6 PM, she was handed over to two intermediaries. An hour later, they reached Justice Bhat’s Sonwar residence. At 7:30 PM, a relieved and emotional Justice Bhat personally escorted Rubaiya to her home in Nowgam.

The Reunion: A Moment That Melted the Valley.

Witnesses recall the scene as unforgettable: Rubaiya’s mother—who had displayed remarkable composure for five days—collapsed into tears the moment she embraced her daughter.

Within an hour, the family boarded a waiting BSF aircraft for Delhi.

During captivity, militants had reportedly kept Rubaiya with women and treated her “like a sister”—a phrase they had publicly declared earlier. She appeared unharmed but visibly shaken.

At Justice Bhat’s home, she lost her composure briefly upon seeing senior bureaucrats, refusing to enter in protest—before being persuaded gently by Justice Bhat and his doctor-daughter.

A Story That Refuses to Fade

Today, as investigators reopen the case and new details emerge, the forgotten role of Justice Moti Lal Bhat and his team regains its rightful place in the narrative.

Their courage, their mediation, their risks—all played out in an era where the Valley was teetering on the edge.

And as Kashmir Rechords revisits Zafar Meraj’s original reporting, we are reminded that history is never linear. It is layered, fragile and often shaped by individuals working out of the spotlight.

The Rubaiya Sayeed kidnapping was not just an incident. It was a turning point.

And the negotiators—some later killed, some forgotten—carried the burden of that moment with extraordinary courage.

When Hari Singh Sailed to Europe and J&K Ran on a 12-Page Order

(Kashmir Rechords Exclusive)

Maharaja Hari Singh’s 1928 tour of Europe remains one of the most organised temporary transfers of power in Jammu and Kashmir’s princely history. Before leaving Jammu on May 14, 1928, the Maharaja issued a detailed 21 point  12-page administrative order, laying out how the State was to function during his absence. The document—part directive, part governance manual—revealed his meticulous approach to continuity and control.

At the core of his plan was a four-member Cabinet, entrusted with the Civil, Military, and Private domain administration. The team included Sir Albion Banerji (Rajmantradhurina), Maj. Gen. Rai Bahadur Janak Singh, G.E.C. Wakefield  and Khan Bahadur Sheikh Abdul Qauoom. They were instructed not to remain absent under any circumstances, and were empowered to run the State without altering existing policies.

This archival order, assessed by Kashmir Rechords, reveals that a layered backup system ensured stability. In Maj. Gen. Janak Singh’s absence, Col. Anderson, Chief of Military Staff, was to be co-opted. Rai Bahadur Rishibar Mukerji, Director of Private Domain and Captain M.W. Reed, handling both personal and military secretary duties, could be added to the Cabinet when required.

The Maharaja’s directions were strict:

* No changes to the Constitution.

* No modification or reversal of existing orders.

* All major financial decisions and matters involving the British Government or other States were to be held over.

The Cabinet was required to meet twice a week—Monday and Thursday—at Gulabi Ghar in Jammu and at the Council Chamber in Srinagar. All correspondence from Europe was to be routed through American Express Company, Haymarket, London.

Supporting this entire administrative mechanism was P.K. Watal, the Minister-in-Waiting, who served as Secretary to the Cabinet and ensured precise coordination across departments.

While historians debate whether the Maharaja’s European trip was prompted by health, personal engagement, or political consultations, what stands out is the administrative clarity with which he left. His detailed order ensured that governance continued without disruption, and the State remained stable in the hands of his most trusted deputies.

Maharaja Hari Singh’s 1928 tour thus became not just a royal visit abroad, but a lesson in structured delegation—an early example of how a ruler prepared his State to run smoothly even in his absence.

Shocking! Vivekananda was denied land in Kashmir

(Kashmir Rechords News Desk)

Very few people must be knowing that  Swami Vivekananda, one of the most popular monks and spiritual leaders of India was denied  a piece of land  for establishing  a Monastery and a Sanskrit College in Kashmir!

Looks unbelievable, but this  shocking incident dates back to Swami Vivekananda’s second  visit to Kashmir in 1898 when Maharaja Pratap Singh, who treated him with utmost respect, during the course of discussions, wanted him to choose a tract of land for establishing a Monastery in Kashmir in order to give young people training in non-dualism.

  Despite the selection of the land and the submission of the proposal to the British Resident for approval, the same was denied as the British Agent had refused to grant land for establishing a Monastery and a Sanskrit College in Kashmir for unknown reasons.  When the same was communicated to Swami Vivekananda, he had accepted the whole thing philosophically.

British Residency was established on  September 25,  1885 during the rule of Maharaja Pratap Singh. Sir Oliver St. John was appointed the first British Resident in Jammu and Kashmir.

Vivekananda :A Biography

There is the mention of this  shocking incident in a Book “Vivekananda :A Biography’’, written by Swami Nikhilananda at page number 271. According to the Book, published by Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta in January 1953, Swami Vivekananda during his stay in Kashmir (August 8 to September 30, 1898), had felt an intense desire for meditation and solitude. Upon the insistence of Maharaja of Kashmir, the land was identified but   a month later, following the refusal to grant the same, Swami’s devotion was later directed to Kali, the divine Mother.

Apart from this incident, the biographer also elaborately discusses Swami’s visit to many parts of Kashmir, including Kheer Bhawani Tulmulla, visit to Amarnath Cave, stay in Srinagar and his meetings with different sections of society there.     

It was first time on 10 September 1897, when this great saint visited Srinagar for a short duration. The Swami had left Srinagar for Baramulla and reached Murree on October 8 and from there to Rawalpindi on October 16, 1897.

Swami Vivekananda in the company of his disciples and Kashmiri Pandits

 The second visit of Swami Vivekananda to Kashmir (June to October, 1898) was more eventful. This time a party of Europeans was accompanying him. Prominent among them was Sister Nivedita. During this period,  he visited many places of religious and historical importance like Shankaracharya Hill, Hari Parbat, Martand, Panderthan, temples of Avantipora, Bijbehara, Mughul Gardens of Nishat and Shalimar, besides  shrines of Shri Amarnath Ji Cave and Mata Kheer Bhawani in Tulmulla. The period from June 22 to July 15, 1898 was spent by Vivekananda and his western disciples in houseboats (dungas) on the Jhelum, in and around Srinagar.

The party had left Kashmir on October 11, 1898 and came down to Lahore. Swami Ji reached Belur Math on October 18, 1898.

(Swami Vivekananda’s 1898 Kashmir Visit. Left to Right: Jesophine McLeod, Mrs Ole Bull, Vivekananda and Sister Nivedita)

About the Biographer

Swami Nikhilananda (1895–1973), the author of `Vivekanda: The Biography” was  born as  Dinesh Chandra Das Gupta. He  was a direct disciple of Sri Sarada Devi. In 1933, he founded the Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Centre of New York, a branch of Ramakrishna Mission, and remained its head until his death in 1973. An accomplished writer and thinker, Nikhilananda’s greatest contribution was the translation of Sri Sri Ramakrishna Kathamrita from Bengali into English, published under the title `The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna’ (1942)